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ࡱ> U@ bjbj 4e@N\\\pP08Ѓ|0'<p$RG  0 Vf^0'OO00&O6T 00$>TFD=(00TFLebeau, Y (2003) Extraversion Strategies within a Peripheral Research Community. Nigerian Scientists Responses to the State and Changing Patterns of International Science and Development Cooperation, Science, Technology and Society 8 (2), 185-213. Final draft: Accepted Feb 2003 Extraversion Strategies within a Peripheral Research Community. Nigerian Scientists Responses to the State and Changing Patterns of International Science and Development Cooperation Yann Lebeau Abstract Labelled giant of Africa in the 1970s on account of its promising human and natural resources, Nigeria entered in the early 1980s in an unprecedented period of recession following the domination of corruption over government operations, the fall of the oil market price, and the introduction of a structural adjustment programme in 1986. Despite its potential wealth, Nigeria is ranked today as part of the worlds 30 least developed countries This has, of course, had severe repercussions on institutions of higher learning and the scientific community through the twin effects of the deterioration of the working conditions and that of the purchasing power of academic staff. However, our study, based on visits in nine of the most prestigious research institutions and interviews with forty-five scientists working there , reveals that, contrary to all expectations, research has not died. It has rather been transformed, in various ways, along the survival strategies evolved by the scientists and the needs of the international community. Education and research are among the symbols usually referred to, to symbolise the continuity of the State presence. In most African countries, the development of schools (from primary to tertiary level) and that of research institutes witnessed a spectacular boom within the two decades that followed independences. As engines of development, education and research were expected to guaranty the independence of the newly created States vis vis their former Metropoles, and to strengthen their position in the international competition. In many countries, the change of course of the 1980s, marked by a withdrawal of the state (imposed or negotiated) from the economic sphere now supposedly regulated solely by the market forces, provoked a transformation of the function traditionally ascribed to education and knowledge, without systematic transfer of the sectors sovereignty from the public to the private sector. The case of Nigeria, highlighted in this paper, is in many respects exemplary. The continuous growth of the oil rent came to sudden end in the early 1980s, resulting in a severe cutback in public resources. The regulatory functions of the state were badly affected by the combination of this unfavourable economic conjuncture with the constant political instability the country is submitted to since independence (Osaghae, 1998: 342). Scientific research for instance, developed and pampered by the British in their West African territories long before the establishment of the university of Ibadan in 1948, and boosted by the proliferation of universities that accompanied the political dynamic of the post-independence era, got literally stoned by the state of dereliction of Nigeria's public sector from the 1980s. Sudden and drastic budgetary reduction affected the social status of Nigerian scientists in two ways: Firstly through a slump in their purchasing power and hence that of their standard of living, and secondly through the marginalisation of Nigerias research output by interruption of State support to and interest in the development of science and knowledge promotion. In addition, the international scientific environment, to which Nigerian academics have always been closely linked, has changed tremendously, with new patterns of North/South co-operation emerging, and with a general movement towards a transdisciplinary socially distributed mode of knowledge production (Ronayne, 1997) generating new non-academic expectations, new forms of scientific legitimisation, and, at the same time, a loss of the exceptional status and individual autonomy of HE (Becher and Trowler, 2001: 6). In Africa particularly, new scientific skills (the consultancy industry) emerged and gradually introduced new modes and norms of knowledge production with the rise of policy-related aid (Mkandawire, 1998). This situation generated different types of individual and collective reactions and strategies amidst the Nigerian scientific community that this paper seeks to examine. In spite of a fifteen year outflow of high skilled professionals that destabilised most of the national research institutes and universities, Nigeria continues to represent sizeable share of the African scientific production (Chatelin et. al., 1997), through mechanisms that indicate a tendency towards a fragmentation of the scientific community. Scientific foundation and myth building: the Nigerian academic community in perspective A brief history of science: National research institutes and universities To understand the development of scientific institutions in Nigeria, one must bear in mind that it followed two distinct lines. On one hand, research was meant to take advantage of the colonial potential and was therefore developed in the form of experimental stations linked with research institutes in Britain. On the other hand, higher education, developed much later in response to the nationalists pressure, witnessed a more autonomous research activity in terms of linkages and outputs. In the pre-independence era, the first higher institution for the production of S&T manpower was the Yaba higher college, established in 1932 for the purpose of producing assistant medical officers, assistant agricultural officers, assistant surveyors and assistant education officers. For as long as Yaba remained a sub-degree level institution, its products remained assistants to the expatriate officers. Post world war agitation by the nationalists led to the establishment of the University College, Ibadan in 1948. Amongst others, it offered degree courses in the basic science and agriculture, and pre-clinical courses in medicine. But the oldest experimental stations had been in existence for long, to boost production in those aspects of the economy that were export-oriented. The oldest agricultural experimental station in Nigeria was established in 1899, and the Geological Survey Department in 1919. Of the 11 research institutes that existed in 1960, ten were agricultural. The number of institutes jumped to twenty-two in 1983, with eighteen of them again catering for agricultural research. After independence, both research institutes and University-based laboratories were paid great attention. While institutes were clearly established in line with the developmentalist ideology, the creation of universities followed the political elites strategies to benefit from the national cake. In other words, universities were politically supported for their capacity to strengthen the high-skilled regional elites, while their research activities were left apart, and developed in directions that had to do more with the international scientific affiliation of the scholars or the donors interests, than with the needs of the federation or the 1964 UNESCO recommendations. A step towards a more interventionist policy came with the setting up by the military junta (1977) of the National Science and Technology Development Agency. At the same time, a quota system in favour of scientific disciplines was introduced in the university admission system (60:40 ratio). In 1979, the newly-elected civilian government went a step further with the creation of the ministry of Science and Technology, but the expected increase of the countrys S&T activities did not occur due to the lack of willingness of the political elites. The new ministry was allocated 0.85% of the budget for the 4th National Development Plan (1980-85), which was probably just sufficient to meet its administrative overheads. As a result, scientific laboratories in secondary schools remained scarce and poorly equipped, and scientific disciplines at the higher were never able to attract more than 30 per cent of the student enrolment, thus showing the failure of the ratio policy. In the mid-1980s, Nigerias scientific landscape was made of about thirty federal or others state owned universities, and of twntety-two federal research institutes. While the first were polyvalent by tradition (except for the universities of technology), the latter remained dominantly oriented towards the use of the natural resources found in Nigeria. The reinforcement of the state authoritarianism under Babangida amd Abachas military administration (1985-1998), coupled with a sudden state resources reduction led to a serious crisis in research and higher education and left universities and research institutes in a state of dispair on which a lot has been written. The relative strength of the Nigerian scientific community allowed the universities to continue, for a while, to be active in research both at local and international level. Institutes, which were more application oriented and therefore hanged to the wills of their authorities, were immediately affected by the state disengagement. It is admitted that they currently account for less than 15 per cent of the total Nigerian research output. For all these reasons, our study paid more attention to the academic community (where Nigerians most active researchers are) which does not mean that institutes scientists do not see themselves as part of the same scientific community. Although less visible locally and internationally, they tend to develop similar individual strategies to thwart the effects of the States withdrawal, and have played an equally active role in the establishment of scientific networks, societies and journals in the consolidation era of 1960s. The process of institutionalisation of academic science An educated African elite, trained either in Britain or in the U.S., has been existing in British West Africa right from the second half of the ninetieth century. It is within this population that emerged the ideas and demands leading to the creation of higher institutions in 1948 (Nwauwa, 1997). However, prior to the 1960s, there was no scientific community in Nigeria, as defined by Thomas Schott, where the scientists perform their research in the framework of national institutional arrangements for research such as universities with similar patterns, the same national associations and journals, supported by the same national foundations and the same bodies which set the national science policies; thus, they perform their research within a common institutional and intellectual setting (1991: 42) It is not that the British had no interest in developing scientific research in their West African territories, but the establishment of universities only became a matter of high policy in the late 1930s under pressures from all parts. Prior to this, educational institutions had always been set to create suitable candidates for middle-level positions which colonialism might permit Africans to hold (Nwauwa, 1996: 53), while in the few existing research institutes, research positions were filled by Europeans, mostly British. The national scientific community gradually took form in the 1960s, that is to say twenty years after the establishment of the first university in Ibadan, with the professionnalisation of science through the development of doctoral programmes (which were not implemented by the British), the emergence of local scientific journals, and with the introduction of fairly uniform practices in the academic staffs recruitment, salary scales, inducements and promotion, and the setting up of a National Universities Commission. All this contributed to institutionalise locally the status of the Nigerian academics and to keep up the illusion of a national scientific community, although 100 per cent of the scholars had done their research training abroad in various institutional environments, and despite the fact that the academic staff was still dominantly non-Nigerian in places like Ibadan and Zaria up to the mid-1960s (Fafunwa, 1971). Schotts conception of a scientific community implies the idea of a sedimentation process which never occurred in Nigeria. Contrary to India where conditions for the development of a culture of science were gradually imposed on the colonial administration by local researchers (Krishna, 2001), the community grew in fits and starts along international research networks and later on along sectional interests. The political dynamic of independence contributed to the institutionalisation of a scientific community that was already highly integrated at the international level in the global network of ties that forms, according to Schott, the global community (Schott, 1998). Moreover, the Nigerian scientific community has hardly ever been governed or influenced by national socio-economic objectives and cannot be referred to as a professional group before the late 1970s. The post-colonial states heavy investments for the creation of research units and laboratories, the invitation of world-class scientists to strengthen newborn departments and the continuous competition among international foundations to assist the scientific development of this high-potential-oil-based economy, rapidly led to the constitution of excellence centres, capable of being part of the world effort of science, but totally disconnected from their countys needs. Inter-institutional cooperation, linkages with outside interests and the building of a social demand, generally seen as features underlying the movement towards the professionalization of a scientific community (Gaillard et al., 1997: 21) remained in an embryonic state in Nigeria in spite of substantial research outputs. The lack of effectiveness of science and technology policies and the legacy of an all externally oriented model of academic promotion are generally presented as the major factors having accounted for this state of things: In the booming economy of the1970s, when much emphasis was placed on the provision of basic infrastructure, abundant food supply, the government neglected its science policy and failed to provide for the integration of local science and technology base (Obiaga, 1992). At the same time, the structure of incentives and rewards in universities (which account for 75% of the national research output), mainly based on publication outputs, generated poor recognition, if not disdain, from scientists; for local implementation of research results (Chatelin et al., 1997: 147) . If not as a scientific community, Nigerian academics were well established as a corporation right from the early 1970s. Patronised by the government as most civil servants were, their standard of living was then by comparison much higher than that of their European counterparts, and their salaries set (as in most sub-Saharan countries) at levels well above per capita incomes. Researchers maintained close international ties (usually built up during their postgraduate studies) through regular conference trips and study leaves, and through daily contacts with worldwide reputed visiting scholars who were regarding Nigerian universities as a stepping- stone in their career and were attracted by expatriate allowances (Van den Berghe, 1973). The University thus offered an international visage, highly valorised among the growing urban educated strata, and its academics willingly exhibited the signs of their material wealth (Van den Berghe, 1973). Their common status tended to fade the actual inequalities between researchers, reflecting that of their institutions in terms of reputation and of research facilities. Also, the adoption by all federal universities (including the seven sisters established from 1975) of a residential policy strengthened the picture of a shared culture, by imposing a common ecology (a physical and emotional environment) and climate (a set of perceptions towards the organisation of the institution) to all academics (Toma, 1997). Under such conditions, an apparently homogeneous mode of living surfaced to relay a corporate spirit and strong political engagement expressed and nurtured by a powerful and inflexible Union. An ambiguous relationship with the ruling elite The academic staff union federates local teaching and researching staff unions since 1965, and symbolises since 1978 (creation of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU) the resistance of a whole profession to the most authoritarian regimes. Representing the entire Nigerian academic personnel, ASUU remains a myth although professional practices have undergone profound changes and tend to be more and more individualized, and even if locally, a growing number of lecturers tend to ignore the actions of the union. One of the few unions capable of surviving the systematic dismantling of opposition organizations orchestrated by the military power from the 1980s, ASUU took the lead of the opposition against the anti-intellectual attitude of the military, and arguably secured the continued existence of the profession, even when the economic hardship prompted individual survival strategies that sidestepped unwritten academic codes of conduct: The Nigerian experience suggests that although academics are more likely in the short-term to resort to individualistic survival strategies to cope with the impact of intense economic crisis and structural adjustment, in the long-term, they would tend to rely more on collective strategies through organized union struggles. While doing so, however, their struggles would tend to be radicalized, focusing not only on bread and butter issuesbut also, quite significantly, on broad issues relating to the democratization process and contestation of authoritarian power of the state. (Jega, 1994: 66). From the 1980s, hardened and more politicised Union struggles offered a new visage of the university community - that of an opposition sphere to the abuses of the ruling class. The military power and the leaders of ASUU thus contributed through their conflicts, to reinforce the communitarian symbolism attached to the university. The uneasy relationship of the university community, represented by its union, with the political elite in power is not a new phenomenon that one could for instance associate with the sole process of exacerbation of state authoritarianism under the regime of the late General Abacha. Right from the early days of independence (1960), every creation of university, every appointment of university vice chancellor induced politics and political interference in academic matters (Amuwo, 2000: 2). The University was then a major political stake. The control of the formation of the Nigerian elite, it was thought, required that of the institutions were the elite is being shaped. Colossal investments on universities principally followed geo-political considerations (the leaders of the main political parties representing more or less the interests of the three dominant ethno-regional entities), but also to the fact that, in a country where 80% of the adult population was illiterate, academics represented, an influential group within the educated minority. All the more influential, that a number of academics of the 1960s had been the classmates of future Nigerian political leaders, while studying in England or in the United States. P. Van den Berghe (1973: 55) highlighted the central role played by universities in strengthening informal sectional solidarity networks among the elites. He portrayed the University of Ibadan (at the heart of the western region) as the Mecca of the Yoruba intelligentsia where the Yoruba members of the university staff naturally have many ties to other people in the region, most particularly with other sectors of the elite in the professions, the civil service, and more recently, the army. The creation of the universities of Nsukka (1960) and of Zaria (1962), placed respectively under the authority the Northern and Eastern regions, reinforced the regionalisation of solidarity linkages between university and political elites, and stimulated the withdrawal of the academics into their university. There they found themselves at the heart of internal political strife within their region, as in Ibadan in 1965 (Soyinka, 1994), or endured the marginalisation, indeed the ostracism, that their region underwent (the University of Nsukka and the Igboland after the Biafra war). The first military regimes (from 1966) did not attempt to oppose the particular status of academics: the "Nigerianisation" of universities was far from completion and the country was facing a critical shortage of administrative, scientific and technical manpower. Any threat to the socio-economic enviable position of the academics, or to the autonomy of their institution would jeopardise the efforts deployed to retain them from the international market on which they had been hired. A careful choice of words was therefore required in official addresses about higher education: I am aware that there are certain rights and certain universal functions that are the preserves of all reputable institutions of higher learning. I am also conscious of the fact that a great university can only emerge in an atmosphere in which the teacher is secure in his tenure and is free to push forward the frontiers of knowledge through unfettered teaching and research 30 years later, the tone is radically different, when the Head of State (general Sani Abacha) alludes to a six-month university staff strike: Dissipation of energy in pursuit of personal gains or unnecessary union activities tantamount to misplaced priorities and contribute to lowering of standards of education. The recent dissipation of so much energy in campus politics by staff instead of devoting time to the primary duty of teaching is of growing concern to government. Kunle Amuwo (2000) sees the change of tone between the two speeches as revelatory of a transformation of the mission assigned to the university (no more reference to research function in Abachas words) and to the repressive drift of the military juntas in power during the 1980s and 1990s. The academic community had then, according to Amuwo, become the only effective counter power, when assassination and imprisonment turned to be the only responses of the government to the claims of the civil society. The interpretation of a solid community opposing the assaults of the regime through its uncompromised union is shared by a number of authors (Gana, 1993 ; Jega, 1994). The real breach between the two worlds seems to have occurred when the military started perceiving the academic elite as a threat to their monopoly of patriotic language. It also probably reflects the process of deterioration of public institutions during the period, and the consecutive social relegation of their employees. The return of a democratically regime in 1999 does not seem to have had much direct impact on the social position of the academic community while universities lost their status of "protected spaces" and are no longer seen as spearheads of the struggle for social justice and civil liberties. From communal front to fragmented strategies On the whole, the university and scientific communities in Nigeria, have been more affected by twenty years of deliberate marginalisation and isolation than from the direct confrontation with the military power (Lebeau, 1996: 65). Their social status and working environment have been transformed to a point that they can hardly be depicted as a "community" anymore. Marginalisation and destabilization threw the universities and research institutes in a kind of "instable adjustment", described in by B. Niane (2000) as typical of the emergence of an informal field dominated by extraverted and individual strategies. Although the State never seemed to pursue any proper research and development strategy, it followed for about 20 years the general recommendations of UNESCO on one hand, and the dynamic set one in motion in Nigerian universities by external foundations on the other hand. Ford, Rockefeller, Nuffield and Carnegie invested heavily in the universities, either directly (construction of laboratories, libraries), or indirectly by funding doctoral scholarship programmes, fieldwork, research trips abroad, and visits of expatriate scientists and lecturers (Fafunwa, 1971). These foundations practically took over the evaluation of the Nigerias scientific output from the University of London, and boosted the countrys position on the international scientific market. Nigerian academic research did not, however, fall ipso facto into a new form of dependency: national scientific associations and their local branches, journals, public and private publishers, formed, right from the late 1960s an incomparable network in sub-Saharan Africa, by its dynamism and its geographical coverage. Nevertheless, scientific norms and references remained external, and the link between research and development always suffered from a deficit of political will, and from weak industrial development. The disconnection took a dramatic turn under the financial constraints of the 1980s-90s. The once criticised reclusion of the scientists in their ivory towers and citadels of learning, worsened with the crisis making all public institutions permeable to the destabilising influences of their SAPed environment. When public funding sources dried up, most active researchers (externally sponsored in most cases) stopped promoting their research in national events and publications while the institutions' authorities themselves tried to maintain their standard and reputation by excluding local publications and communications from their recruitment and promotion requirements. The financial crisis in which universities find themselves in 2002 is so deep that researchers, notably the most experienced and connected ones, do not even consider public monies anymore in the funding of their work. This is one of the major outcomes of the narratives collected as part of our study: the Nigerian State is seen by all as having abandoned higher education and research, to the point that existing funding schemes are not even known to everyone. The following extract of a February 2000 interview with a professor from the University of Ibadan (biochemistry) reflects this spectacular shift in the State/academic community relationship. Even though they have never been the main financial source and commissioner of scientific research, the Nigerian State and the ruling class are held responsible for the current gloominess and for the ambient individualism at the heart of research activities in the laboratories and departments: I think in Nigeria weve not been so lucky to have enlightened leaders. Our politicians in general have not been very educated and they dont understand that research is important... It is a different thing in Europe: The lawyer who becomes the president or the Prime Minister may not understand the details of research, but he understands that this is a culture that has to be developed and that somehow it is going to help in the development of the whole country. That is the understanding that our leaders in Nigeria have not got. They believe in importing what other people have already done. They dont understand they can also do research and do something that will be helpful to the country(). In the olden days when we had equipment and everything was working, we use to have research teams; People working together, publishing together. But as things became tougher; equipment started breaking down, people tended to withdraw to themselves for example some people know they cannot do research here anymore, it is impossible so their only hope is to go out from here to another country where they can occasionally do some research. Other people like me, who can still do something here but of course with funding from outside, dont want to go External norms, local promotion and career strategies The concept of extraversion, applied by political scientists (particularly Jean Francois Bayart) to the study of leaders' attitudes in post colonial African Sates bound in transboundary formations, helps in many respects to capture the individual and collective strategies of the Nigerian academic community. Thomas Callaghy, Ronald Kassimir and Robert Latham (2001) recently showed how, over the course of the post-colonial period, "extraversion strategies have increasingly spread to non-state actors and social movements" and associated the phenomenon to "a conjuncture where processes of state decline occur at the same time that international organisations and NGOs assert or respond to perceived new needs in Africa that at they claim they can do something about". In the case of Nigerian academics however, extraversion strategies are motivated by multiple reasons, some related to the condition under which science and education were instituted in the country, and others the above referred unfavourable conjuncture, and to the strong centre/periphery inclination of the scientific international community The point systematically made by the elders among our interviewees about the necessity of an international recognition shows that the "publish or perish culture" introduced with the system has tended to encourage extraverted individual strategies: No career within the university without an international recognition seems to have been the rule whatever the economic and political context. With assessment and promotion being exclusively built upon international criteria, a Nigerian scholar without international connection would stagnate at the inferior ladders of the academic hierarchy. However, the orientation of the international demand, and consequently the positioning of Nigerian researchers on the market are changing. Particularly, we have been witnessing since the mid-eighties a progressive interference of international standards in local unpublished and academically unrecognised research works, such as those commissioned by foreign foundations and NGOs. While this tendency might be revealing a global tendency towards "demands for greater social and economic relevance in research" (Becher and Trowler, 2001) and a shift towards new modes of knowledge production, it confirms the unfailing supremacy, since the establishment of Ibadan in 1948, of international references, over scientific careers and outputs in Nigeria. Excellence as a necessarily exogenous value Todays most reputed research and teaching institutions in Africa were in most cases established by the European colonial powers. The universities of Dakar and Ibadan for example remained, after independence, attached to the institutions that guaranteed the equivalence of their certificates, and beyond, the international recognition of their academic personnel. I have already evoked the militancy of the educated elite" in favour of an internationally recognised higher institution in Nigeria. This concern for excellence, shared (though not for the same purpose) by the colonised and the colonisers, remained, ten years after independence, a kind of obsession among scholars in Ibadan. Pierrre Van den Berghe noted it in his detailed monograph on the university community : Whatever the reasons, the Nigerian scholar sees himself very much in the context of world scholarship. The university as a whole is extremely conscious of its international standing, and this appears with great regularity in official addresses of vice-Chancellors. Similarly, to the individual scholar, his discipline and his professional association are very important reference groups. The achievement of international scholarly status is perhaps the most important criterion of prestige within U.I., superceding even successful academic politics as an avenue of promotion. (Van den Berghe, 1973: 64). The Nigerian higher education landscape has been dramatically transformed in Nigeria since the days of Van den Berghes observation. However, discourses by successive Vice-chancellors of U.I have consistently revolved around the idea that excellence and the past prestigious position of Ibadan on the international scene should be recovered through hard work and by fighting against the egalitarian state measures adopted in the 1970s to widen access to higher education (Lebeau, 1997; Okudu, 1983). Excellence as a norm of scientific work and as a mark of social distinction has therefore neither disappeared with the noticeable withdraw of Nigerian research output from international citation indexes from the mid 1980s, nor with the collapse of the social status of academics. On the contrary, in an impoverished but increasingly competing environment, the transnational reference remains for all researchers, as it does for their institutions (Niane, 1992 and 1997) , the only remaining means of distinction. In the 1970s, such a conservative stand placed the university community in an uneasy position vis a vis the developmentalist and nationalist tone of governmental discourses on education and research. Academics, including their trade-union representatives, having quickly realised that "excellence" could not rhyme with "national" as far as their career was concerned, departed from, and even opposed any measure aimed at questioning what actually grounded the principle of distinction between research teams and between institutions. Today, the international (or transnational) reference impacts in a more diffuse way within the institutions. Of his capacity to maintain links abroad depends the image and the authority of the scholar before his/her students, particularly when book purchases and journal subscriptions are suspended. Also, when monthly wages do not feed a family more than a week, only research grants and conference invitations abroad permit to continue to exhibit the external symbols of wealth and of international exposure formerly attached to academic status. The link abroad as a necessity to resist relegation The relationships of Nigerian researchers with the international community have been substantially affected by the economic and political instability. Roughly speaking, the context has evolved from a relation where international comes to Nigeria, often within the framework of academic linkages, or through foundations research programmes, to a situation where the researchers, relying on their established networks, preserve individually, and sometimes even secretly, their international relations. Two typical figures in the elaboration of such strategies can be drawn from the narratives collected during our study in Nigeria, reflecting two generations of active researchers. Our first figure, that of a professor (male or female) from a first generation federal university, refers to academics trained in Nigeria for their first degree and in Great Britain or the United States for their doctorate towards the end of the 1960s or early 1970s. Recruited by the university where he graduated, this researcher worked in Nigeria, in a material environment comparable with that of his European colleagues, without losing contact with the institution where he was trained as a researcher. His capacity to build on this capital (through conference trips, fellowships, joint publications) has largely determined his/her subsequent career at a time when precariousness had taken hold of Nigerian research institutions. By maintaining these contacts, he continues to travel, to have his research fieldwork in Nigeria sponsored externally (or sometimes from savings out of his conference per diem) and geared by the needs or the interests of his network. Professor I of the department of microbiology in X. matches all the characteristics of this first category: Trained at the university of Kent (Msc) and at Crownfield (PHD in specialist in Petroleum Microbiology), he orientated his research in the 1980s towards the study of environmental impact of oil activities. This strategic choice enabled him to continue to enjoy external assistance: I went once back to Crownfield on a UNESCO fellowship for 3 months. Even the 3 months were very resourceful and useful, because the 3 months in U.K is like 10 years in Nigeria. What you are going to achieve in 3 months you cannot compare it to what you are going to do here because the facilities are there, chemicals are available, electricity supply is uninterrupted anything that you need to carry out research is available and to finger-tips, that you cannot do here you cannot plan because the basic for research infrastructures for research is lacking." Beyond their material benefits, these repeated stays abroad contributed to strengthen his research position locally and his authority over the training of newcomers in the field: "I sent a PHD student to go and work in Kent for 3 months, so what he did in Kent was what actually enhanced his PHD work because he had access to electron microscope, to equipment that we don't have around even in Nigeria. Then I sent another student to Israel, to the University of Tel-Aviv who also had the same opportunity Also trained in Nigeria to the postgraduate level, and then either abroad or at home (often supervised by an expatriate professor) for his PHD, our second type reflects the experience of most senior lecturers of the first and second generation universities, and of senior research fellows of the national institutes. This type was much more difficult to portray, even at sweeping strokes, given the heterogeneity of trajectories and experiences in this group. External links are much more diverse in this generation, and might in some cases be non-existent. This population was also the most affected by the brain drain of the late 1980s and early 1990s. External collaborations can take, as in the preceding case, the form of a centre/periphery academic relation (Schott, 1998), but appear less regular and are usually maintained at the scholars own expenses, as illustrated by the following testimony of an astronomer, now based abroad: At the University of Nigeria, far from any major city, communications are especially troublesome. The only certain method is to use courier services, which are prohibitively expensive. The cost of sending a manuscript abroad even by ordinary airmail, with a fairly low probability of actually getting there, is a significant fraction of researchers' salaries. When anyone travels abroad, he or she becomes a postman, carrying a hundred or more letters from colleagues to postThe underfunding of universities forces staff to bear all the costs of communications and publication personally, unless they have managed to obtain a research grant. For the same reason, computers are scarce. A few staff members have PCs, either owned privately or in a few cases obtained through external grants. Most people, however, have to buy time on PCs if they want to do any computing. Tight security is needed for any equipment, which further restricts its availability. (Onuora, 1997) Researchers of this second type also tend to establish occasional or regular links outside the academic milieu, thus devoting more and more time to studies and expertise for international organisations. Rarely published, these works hardly contribute to their career promotion, but ensure them the necessary incomes to pursue an academically rewarding research activity: I had to, on my own, go into private business, get some money to buy a P.C, you know, to even publish the materials I have. So you cannot say that the material are there and you are working. I had to go out on my own to seek for money and - - - now use it to plunge into research, which ought not to be. That is what we are saying, it ought not to be. I had to, on my own, go out to do consultancy. The money should be for my own private use and other things. It is not good for me to have to go out to get something to support my personal research. But that's how I cope and if I see something I have published, it makes me happy. You know why you sat down and did all that, you can moveyou know if we don't publish, we perish. In the social sciences, where international consultancy tends to emerge as the main scientific output, academic publications and conferences can in some cases be literally abandoned. The researcher then becomes an expert, with his socio-economic status enjoying a fast and sometimes spectacular rise therefore upsetting a social hierarchy supposed to reflect on campus that of academic promotion. However composite and in spite of the brain drain, this category is still by far the most influential of the academic community. It comprises these "young talents" (Jega 1994), who made the glorious days of the unionism from the 1980s to the years of terror of the Abacha regime, and provided the best brains of the ministerial kitchen cabinets since the 1999 political transition. Most academics do not fall into any of the two categories portrayed above. They constitute the mass of lecturers who have no international academic connection whatsoever. Entirely educated in the country in the 1980s, these researchers were recruited at the time when public funds once devoted to the mobility of researchers, the purchase of scientific literature and the organisation of conferences, found other priorities. They work in remote and materially deprived universities, established far from the vibrant poles of the Nigerian economic and political. Rarely snowed under with local demand, these disconnected scholars have neither access to international consultancy opportunities, nor to scientific information, and therefore hardly resort to academically rewarding activities to compensate their meagre salary (Hudu, 2000). The constrained alternative of scientific migration In the early 1990s, the future of Nigerian research institutions appears gloomy, and the announced proliferation of private institutions which seems long to come, is not perceived by renown scholars as a long term alternative. It is in this context and among the best connected categories of researchers, that were massively recruited the Nigerian brains, leading to a dramatic drop in a few years of the Nigerian research potential at the senior and professorial levels. However, contrary to an established opinion, the decision to leave or to stay -- when such alternative was offered -- was certainly not an easy one to take. Its stakes varied according to disciplines, institutions, and according to the rank and fame of the researcher. The first to leave (as of the mid-1980s) were the few best known professors (medicine, social sciences, literature) who were offered, generally in North America, enviable tenured positions in research universities. Our first type could have been one of them. They were followed from the late 1980s, by a large number of younger colleagues, usually employed on less comfortable fixed-term contracts in far less reputed institutions of America, South Africa, Australia, Canada and of the Gulf countries. They form the lumpen professoriate that P. T. Zeleza (2000: 15) defines as a floating faculty excluded from the guilded privileges of tenure, or trapped, in the case of the United States, in third rate colleges or underfunded Historically Black Colleges and Universities. For this group, qualitative data on the migration process itself are unfortunately missing. Some scholars, having targeted teaching oriented institutions, disappeared totally from the international the research position they were previously occupying. Others lost their position in the international division of scientific work as a result of their migration itself. In the social sciences and in Medicine for instance, Nigerian scholars, whether at junior or senior ranks, have often been treated merely as witnesses or collectors all the more indispensable when the country (in the 1990s) was not considered conducive for fieldwork. Out of this context, some researchers lost their scientific value and disappeared from the international organisations expert lists and the Northern African studies networks they used to belong to. In the mid-1990s, Nigeria lay at the bottom end of the African university staff salary scale (Hudu, 2000). This led to another wave of migration, mainly from scholars of the third type, and dominantly within Africa, towards countries whose best brains used to fill Nigerias lowest academic positions. The exodus issue was raised in all our interviews. Our respondents all had to deal, at one point of their career, with that dilemma, and chosen to stay. Reasons vary from one to another, but few recurrent motivations can be identified. Professor G, from the most renowned department of Psychiatry in the country, explains on his way back from a sabbatical leave in Australia: I had a permanent job in Australia and I also was doing private practice. My income there was probably be times 200 of what I get here and I have a permanent resident permit there too. So if I want to go back tomorrow I just go and get a plane. The reason for coming back and for being around, sometimes it is a bit difficult to explain but I think for me it's probably got to do with what you might call relative impact.[]. I didn't go to psychiatry because I want to become a millionaire but I went in there because I had some particular interest, both clinical and research. And like I said I was very lucky in Australia where I did all the things that I probably should be doing in an environment like that. But when you look at it, just pulling me out of that system, the system is not going to rattle, while here I hope is it not a grandiose idea that one person, certainly myself or anyone else, will make more impact being here than elsewhere and that not just to the system but also for oneself (in an environment that not much is known). If you are bringing things for people to know and you are doing them in such a fairly standard way that people can relate to them tend to make more contribution than if you were just part of a large crowd of other people elsewhere. Professor S, from the Chemistry department of the same university: I am lucky that many of the people I worked with are very sympathetic in support of the course of development here. So, I saw myself as being backed up by a lot of development efforts. So, I am not isolated; these people kept me in fairly comfortable situation [] the motivation for staying is as a result of back up and that because my science has been part of international science I mean I benefited a lot from research support and that kept me. I mean I had grant report to write and things like that. However, even that drives you against hostile environment. I mean you do have a commitment to keep, you do have work, and then you see yourself ...competing with others. I think that to my mind it is a major achievement to be able to work in his type of environment. When opportunities abroad are numerous and external supports substantial, the choice to stay is fully integrated into a career strategy. Researchers can then call upon reasons such as the need to contribute from within to their countrys development or the worthwhile interest of their work and field, because they do not appear to be threatened in their position in spite of working conditions considered to be disastrous. Their research is undertaken with external funds for an external market, and the data analysis is very often done outside the university, either at home using private facilities or abroad on the occasion of sabbatical or study leaves. All things considered, it is a very similar strategy of integration on the international market which governs, for best known researchers, the choice to stay or to leave. For all the others, it is the capacity to seize an opportunity to flee, even temporarily, their deteriorated working conditions and socio-economic status which determines, in the current context, the progress of their career. The substantial salary increase (150%) negotiated in 1999 and 2000 with the government, puts Nigerian scholars on the average of wages perceived by their colleagues in sub-Saharan Africa. One could thus predict a curb in the migration rate, if not to the North, at least to countries with low potential of visibility on the international market. Conclusion: individualisation and extraversion within the global network Universities and research institutes are public institutions in Nigeria, and their researchers are civil servants. The worldwide rise of private institutions, predicted by experts as a consequence of the introduction of liberal reforms (Quddus & Rashid, 2000), is long to come in Nigeria , and the few existing private universities are yet to show any interest in research activities. What I have tried to show here is that the privatisation of research and teaching activities in Nigeria occurs mainly within the institutions that gave birth to them. This seems to reflect what Batrice Hibou sees more generally as concomitant processes of diffusion of private intermediates solutions for a growing number of functions formerly assumed by the State, and of redeployment of the latter "(Hibou, 1999:13). The disintegration of the academic community and the individualisation of scientific practices and trajectories shed more light on this phenomenon: in the absence of national public investments, research institutes and departments appear more as catalogues of individual competences than as catalysts capable of producing collective expertise. Strategies of access to the international research market the only guarantee of both statutory and social recognition - tend to be elaborated individually and to depend exclusively on personal contacts with researchers and institutions of this market. Universities controlled by the States within the Federation, established in the early 1980s, were the first in Nigeria to disappear from the research scene as a result of financial constraints, and operate today as second-class teaching institutions with the exception of one or two. Cut off from international networks, scholars from these universities were forced to seek individually for alternative resources, or to withdraw from all research activity. This de-professionnalisation process seems to apply today to the majority of Nigerian lecturers, increasingly identified in the Higher Education field by their sole teaching activity. Opposed to this is the situation of the researcher linked to a network that enables him to keep up with some personal research activity, privately or externally sponsored, using his public institutions facilities when available. At the cutting edge of communication technologies, such a researcher only shares with the first group the objective of perpetuating in the Nigerian society the image of a university community standing undivided. Broadly, the marginalisation of the Nigerian research seems to gain ground when evaluated upon scientific publications, which clearly confirms that in a developing country like Nigeria, market forces cannot be relied upon for creating a national-based research capacity. However, accounts and from our set of interviews clearly indicate the persistence of an informal but real research activity in derelict public universities and institutes, which could quickly be reinstitutionnalised, should a climate of scientific culture be promoted. The current informalisation of university research in Nigeria occurs under a wider process of transformation of the academic profession largely geared by of the mutation of international aid. The latter has deeply disrupted the cost, investigation methods, and language of scientific works by instituting research and consultancy as part of its co-operation programs (Mkandawire, 1998). In a weakly institutionalised scientific environment, the process also destabilised statutory hierarchies, by assuring faster social promotion to the researchers involved, irrespective of their academic rank. Finally, it generated some frustration and mistrust amidst top official research administrators, ruled out of both the negotiation of contracts and the dissemination of findings. This tendency, observed at various degrees in most developing countries reveals a major contradiction of the so-called globalisation of the movement of knowledge. Works produced in the context described in this article tend to receive little or no recognition, while recognition is precisely considered by scientists as the major reward for scientific performance (Schott, 1998: 132). This is due to the fact that in a deprived institutional environment, the "normal" home of both knowledge production and dissemination appears to lie outside the university. In Europe and North America, this would be perceived as a feature of the on-going shift towards the more applications-oriented `mode 2, but where the private industry is not in position to second the state, globalisation of science is likely to rhyme with isolation, marginalisation and deskilling until universities and research institutes are resurrected and professionally operationalised and research works produced for multi- and bi lateral cooperation agencies are disseminated and offered academic recognition. References Amuwo, K. (2000), The Discourse of Political Elites on Higher Education in Nigeria, in Lebeau Y. & M. Ogunsanya, The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB, pp. 1-26. Arvantis R, R. Waast & J. Gaillard (2000), Science in Africa: A Bibliometric Panorama Using PASCAL Database, Scientometrics, Vol. 47, No. 3, pp. 467-473. Banya K., & Elu J. (2001), The World Bank and financing higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa, Higher education 42, pp. 1-34. Becher, T & Trowler P.R. (2001), Academic tribes and Territories. Intellectual enquiry and the culture of disciplines, Second Edition, Buckingham, SRHE and Open University Press. T. Callaghy T, R. Kassimir, & R. Latham (2001) Intervention and Transnationalism in Africa. Global-Local Networks of Power Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chatelin Y, J. Gaillard & A.S. Keller (1997), The Nigerian Scientific community: The Colossus with Feet of Clay, in Gaillard, J., V.V. Krishna & R. Waast (eds) (1997), Scientific Communities in the Developing Word, New Delhi, Sage Publications, pp. 129-154. Fafunwa, A. B. (1971), A History of Nigerian higher Education (1827-1969), Lagos, Macmillan. Gaillard, J., V.V. Krishna & R. Waast (eds) (1997), Scientific Communities in the Developing Word, New Delhi, Sage Publications. Hibou, B. (ed.) (1999), La privatisation des Etats, Paris, Karthala. Hudu, A. (2000), Working and Living Conditions of Academic Staff in Nigeria: Strategies for Survival at Ahmadu Bello University, in Lebeau Y. & M. Ogunsanya, The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB, pp. 209-240. Jega, A. M. (1994), Nigerian Academics Under Military Rule, Stockholm, University of Stockholm, Department of Political Science, report No. 1994:3. Krishna, V. V. (2001), Reflections on the changing status of academic science in India, International Social Science Journal, Vol. 53 Issue 168, pp. 231-246. Lebeau, Y. (1997), tudiants et campus du Nigeria : recompositions du champ universitaire et sociabilits tudiantes, Paris, Karthala. Lebeau, Y. & Ogunsanya M. (eds) (2000), The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB Mkandawire, T. (1995), "Three Generations of African scholars", CODESRIA Bulletin, 2, 1995. Mkandawire, T. (1998), Notes on Consultancy and Research in Africa, Copenhagen, Centre for Development Research, Working Paper 98.13. Niane, B. (1992), Le transnational signe dexcellence, Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 95, pp. 13-25. (1997), De la transnationalisation de llite sngalaise, communication au colloque LAfrique, les Etats-Unis et la France, Bordeaux, CEAN, 22-24mai. Nwauwa, A.O. (1997), Imperialism Academe and Nationalism. Britain and University Education for Africans, 1860-1960, London, Frank Cass. Okudu, S.J. (1983), The Ibadan Syndrome of Excellence and the Nigerian University System, in Twenty Years of University Education in Nigeria, Lagos, Nigerian University Commission, pp. 77-83. Oni B. (2000),  HYPERLINK "http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc" Capacity Building Effort and Brain Drain in Nigerian Universities  Background paper for The Regional Conference on Brain Drain and Capacity Building in Africa, Economic Commission for Africa Addis Ababa, 22 - 24 February 2000.  HYPERLINK "http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc" http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc (Accessed Jan 03). Onuora, L.I. (1997), HYPERLINK "nigeria.html"World Beat: Nigeria, Mercury Magazine (The astronomical Society of the Pacific), Vol. 26 No. 4. Quddus, M. & Rashid, S. (2000), The Worlwide Movement in Private Universities, American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 59, No. 3, pp. 485-515. Schott, T. (1991), The world Scientific Community: Globality and Globalisation. Minerva, 29, 440-62. (1998), "Ties between Center and Periphery in the Scientific World-System: Accumulation of Rewards, Dominance and Self-Reliance in the Center."  HYPERLINK "http://csf.colorado.edu/wsystems/jwsr.html" Journal of World-Systems Research 4: 112 - 144. Soyinka, W. (1994), Ibadan. The Penkelemes Years. A Memoir 1946-1965, Ibadan, Spectrum Books. Toma, J.D. (1997), Alternative Inquiry Paradigms, Faculty Cultures, and the Definition of Academic Lives, Journal of Higher Education, 68 (6), 679-702. Van den Berghe, P.L. (1973), Power and Privilege at an African University, London, Routledge. Zeleza, P. T. (2000), African Labor and Intellectual Migrations to the North: Building New Transatlantic Bridges,  HYPERLINK "http://www.afrst.uiuc.edu/SEMINAR/AfricanLabor.rtf. Accessed 20/11/2001" http://www.afrst.uiuc.edu/SEMINAR/AfricanLabor.rtf. (Accessed 20/11/2001). Appendix 1: Nigerian public universities InstitutionLocationFoundedOwnershipFacultySt. enrolmentAbia State U.Uturu1983State Gov40015,389 (1999)Abubakar Tafawa Balewa U.Bauchi, Bauchi state1988Federal Gov2604000 (1999)Ahmadu Bello U.Zaria, Kaduna State1962Federal Gov206429,832 (1999)Bayero Kano U. Kano, Kano state1977Federal Gov45415,560 (1999)Benue State U.Makurdi1995State GovDelta State U. Abraka1990State GovEdo State U.Ekpoma1981State Gov43716,000 (1999)Enugu State U. of Technology Enugu1980State Gov2879,267Federal University of Technology, AkureAkure, Ondo State1981Federal Gov.2504225 (1999)Federal University of Technology, MinnaMinna, Niger state1983Federal Gov.2704318 (1999)Federal University of Technology, OwerriOwerri, Imo State1980Federal Gov.2354050 Federal University of Technology, yolaYola, Adamawa State1980Federal Gov.2043515 (1999)Imo state u. Owerri, Imo State1981State Gov.Kano state U. Kano1988State Gov.Ladoke Akintola U. of TechnologyOgbomoso1988State Gov.Lagos State U.Apapa, Lagos1983State Gov.2787800 (1999)Nigerian Defence AcademyKaduna1985Federal Gov.Nnamdi Azikiwe u. Awka, Anambra St.1995State Gov.Obafemi Awolowo U ILE-IFE, Osun State1961Federal Gov.1,327Ogun State U.Ago-Iwoye1982State Gov.2695800Ondo State U.Ado-Ekiti1982State Gov.2264686 (1999)Rivers State U. of science and tech.Port-Harcourt1980State Gov.456 10465University of AbujaAbuja1988Federal Gov.1505400University of Agric., AbeokutaOgun State1988Federal Gov.1583235University of agric., MakurdiBenue State1988Federal Gov.2242684University of agric., UmudikeUmahia, Abia State1988Federal Gov.University of BeninBenin, Edo State1970Federal Gov.69420660University of CalabarCross River State1975Federal Gov.52716,800University of IbadanIbadan, Oyo State1962Federal Gov.1,07720,434University of IlorinIlorin, Kwara State1975Federal Gov.45013,200University of JosJos, Plateau State1975Federal Gov.71113,408University of LagosAkoka, Lagos1962Federal Gov.67523,309U. of MaiduguriMaiduguri, Borno St.1975Federal Gov.63010,000University of NigeriaNsukka, Enugu State1960Federal Gov.1,05122,328U. of Port-HarcourtPort-H. Rivers State1975Federal Gov.49311,294University of UyoUyo, Aka-Ibom State1983Federal Gov.52215, 882Usman Danfodio UniversitySokoto, Sokoto State1975Federal Gov.3718,944First and second generation Universities (established in the 1960s and 1970s respectively) award master and Ph.D. degrees. First and some second generation Universities offer Post-doctoral programs. Source: Culled from the Universities Matriculation Examination Brochure, 2000-2001.+ The World Book of Learning: Nigeria, Universities and Polytechnic Colleges 1999 + The National University Commission: List of Nigerian Universities. 1999 + 2000 A. D. National University Commission Calendar + The U.S. Embassy Public Affairs Sections (Feb 2002). Appendix 2: The Federal Ministry of Science and Technology 1- Organisational structure  Source: Federal Ministry of science and Technology2001,  HYPERLINK "http://www.fmst.gov.ng/" http://www.fmst.gov.ng/ 2 Historical development The birth of the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology (FMST) began as far back as 1966 with the promulgation of the first Science and Technology Policy. The first Science and Technology Policy led to the establishment of the Nigerian Council for Science and Technology (NCST). One of the primary mandates of the NCST was to "Encourage, support and co-ordinate scientific and industrial research of all kinds." In the late 1970s, the NCST was transformed into the National Science and Technology Development Agency (NSTDA). The Ministry of Science and Technology was created in 1979. According to the FMST's 1986 National Policy, the Ministry was to "co-ordinate and undertake scientific and technology research and development." This included both inward and outward looking efforts such as "integrating foreign technology into our culture; upgrading indigenous technology; promotion of international co-operation in Science and Technology." The ministry was replaced and re-created several times between 1984 and 1992. The following 13 national research institutes are located within the ambit of the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology while another fifteen are located in the Federal Ministry of agriculture. Federal College of Chemical & Leather Technology (CHELTECH) Engineering Material Development Institute (EMDI) Federal Institute of Industrial Research, Oshodi (FIIRO) Hydraulic Equipment Development Institute (HEDI) National Research Institute for Chemical Technology (NARICT) Nigerian Building & Road Research Institute (NBRRI, 1980) Nigerian Institute of Medical Research (NIMR) National Institute for Pharmaceutical Research & Development (NIPRD) Nigerian Institute for Trypanosomias Research (NITR) Project Development Institute. development of machinery and equipment in relation to the use of steel, other metals, ceramics and glass. (PRODA, 1970) Scientific Equipment Development Institutes (DEDI) Sheda Science & Technology Complex (SHESTCO). Science village established in 1993. United Nations African Regional Centre for Space Science & Technology Education (UNARCSSTE)  Research Fellow, Centre for Higher Education Research and Information, The Open University, London. Contact: y.lebeau@open.ac.uk This paper is based on the findings of two research programmes carried out in Nigeria by the French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA-Ibadan) between 1997 and 2000. The first one (the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-Saharan Africa) provided a comparative framework for the study of on-going transformations in African universities, particularly in Nigeria (see Lebeau and Ogunsanya, 2000). The second, focusing on the scientific community and research institutions, was part of a continent-wide study on the State of Science, supervised by Roland Waast and Jacques Gaillard of IRD (Institut de Recherche pour le Dveloppement, Paris). Interviews cited in this paper are part of a forty-five professional biographies corpus collected in Nigeria between February and September 2000 by the author and his associates (Dr Omar Massoud of Ahmadu Bello University and Dr Ifeanyi Onyeonoru of the University of Ibadan) for the State of Science project.  The country currently supports 43 universities (11 state universities, 3 recently approved private universities, and 29 federal universities including three agricultural universities, one military university, and 4 inter-university centres), 27 Polytechnics, and 28 National Research institutes (13 under the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology and 15 located in the Federal Ministry of agriculture).  Research in Nigeria, like in most British tropical territories, was carried out by British scientists (principally in tropical medicine and agriculture) to find solutions to the problems faced by the settlers (Chatelin et. al, 1997).  There were six universities in 1970.  In the early 1980s in Francophone and Anglophone Africa, civil servants salaries averaged 9.6 times and 4.6 times per capita income respectively, while in Asia the multiple was 2.9 and in Latin America 3.1 ( see Banya and Elu, 2001)  Brigadier General Adebayo (1969), military governor of the western region under Gowon administration, quoted in Amuwo, 2000p. 3.  Dated 17 November 1995. Quoted in Amuwo, Op. cit.  A popular reference to the effects of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)  The academy of Bordeaux for Dakar and the University of London for Ibadan.  On the competition for extraterritorial references and symbols among Senegalese higher institutions, Boubacar Niane uses the term transnationalisation, which, "as a process of transcending nation states, and of emergence of Supra values might better reflects the current situation. These new postures , quite profitable in a totally reshaped field, are strongly encouraged, not to say imposed, by a last instance made of transnational organisations such as the UN systemwhereas internationalisation suggests exchanges, reciprocal influences, and more generally a process of values integration that does not necessarily deny or erase national characteristics (Niane, 1997).  In a previous attempt at categorising African scholars attitudes along generations, Thandika Mkandawire (1995) portrayed three generations. The third one, being the current generation of young faculty trained locally in the crisis days, is by far (in the case of Nigeria at least) less connected and less extraverted than the two previous ones. I have therefore made the choice not to depict its international strategies in this paper.  University of Ibadan (UI); University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN); University of Lagos (UNILAG), Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria (ABU); or Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife (OAU).  Interview with Mrs. O, department of Plant science and biotechnology of a Federal university. June 2000  Although the few existing private existing institutions and the joint ventures operated by public universities and private consultancy services, are massively recruiting on part-time basis among the academic staff, none of our interviewees has declared having ever considered the possibility of joining the private sector in Nigeria  The total number of lecturers in the Nigerian universities was 12,977 in 1992. This total number declined to 12,064 in 1995. In other words, a total of 883 lecturers left the universities between 1992 and 1995 (Oni, 2000).  One, of course, thinks of Ghanaian lecturers, seen teaching in Nigerian secondary schools in the early 1980s.  Selected in most cases on the basis of their repeated appearance in international citation indexes.  According to Avantis et. al. (2000), Nigeria has lost half of its scientific published output in five years. 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ࡱ> U@ bjbj 4e@N\\\pP08Ѓ|0'<p$RG  0 Vf^0'OO00&O6T 00$>TFD=(00TFLebeau, Y (2003) Extraversion Strategies within a Peripheral Research Community. Nigerian Scientists Responses to the State and Changing Patterns of International Science and Development Cooperation, Science, Technology and Society 8 (2), 185-213. Final draft: Accepted Feb 2003 Extraversion Strategies within a Peripheral Research Community. Nigerian Scientists Responses to the State and Changing Patterns of International Science and Development Cooperation Yann Lebeau Abstract Labelled giant of Africa in the 1970s on account of its promising human and natural resources, Nigeria entered in the early 1980s in an unprecedented period of recession following the domination of corruption over government operations, the fall of the oil market price, and the introduction of a structural adjustment programme in 1986. Despite its potential wealth, Nigeria is ranked today as part of the worlds 30 least developed countries This has, of course, had severe repercussions on institutions of higher learning and the scientific community through the twin effects of the deterioration of the working conditions and that of the purchasing power of academic staff. However, our study, based on visits in nine of the most prestigious research institutions and interviews with forty-five scientists working there , reveals that, contrary to all expectations, research has not died. It has rather been transformed, in various ways, along the survival strategies evolved by the scientists and the needs of the international community. Education and research are among the symbols usually referred to, to symbolise the continuity of the State presence. In most African countries, the development of schools (from primary to tertiary level) and that of research institutes witnessed a spectacular boom within the two decades that followed independences. As engines of development, education and research were expected to guaranty the independence of the newly created States vis vis their former Metropoles, and to strengthen their position in the international competition. In many countries, the change of course of the 1980s, marked by a withdrawal of the state (imposed or negotiated) from the economic sphere now supposedly regulated solely by the market forces, provoked a transformation of the function traditionally ascribed to education and knowledge, without systematic transfer of the sectors sovereignty from the public to the private sector. The case of Nigeria, highlighted in this paper, is in many respects exemplary. The continuous growth of the oil rent came to sudden end in the early 1980s, resulting in a severe cutback in public resources. The regulatory functions of the state were badly affected by the combination of this unfavourable economic conjuncture with the constant political instability the country is submitted to since independence (Osaghae, 1998: 342). Scientific research for instance, developed and pampered by the British in their West African territories long before the establishment of the university of Ibadan in 1948, and boosted by the proliferation of universities that accompanied the political dynamic of the post-independence era, got literally stoned by the state of dereliction of Nigeria's public sector from the 1980s. Sudden and drastic budgetary reduction affected the social status of Nigerian scientists in two ways: Firstly through a slump in their purchasing power and hence that of their standard of living, and secondly through the marginalisation of Nigerias research output by interruption of State support to and interest in the development of science and knowledge promotion. In addition, the international scientific environment, to which Nigerian academics have always been closely linked, has changed tremendously, with new patterns of North/South co-operation emerging, and with a general movement towards a transdisciplinary socially distributed mode of knowledge production (Ronayne, 1997) generating new non-academic expectations, new forms of scientific legitimisation, and, at the same time, a loss of the exceptional status and individual autonomy of HE (Becher and Trowler, 2001: 6). In Africa particularly, new scientific skills (the consultancy industry) emerged and gradually introduced new modes and norms of knowledge production with the rise of policy-related aid (Mkandawire, 1998). This situation generated different types of individual and collective reactions and strategies amidst the Nigerian scientific community that this paper seeks to examine. In spite of a fifteen year outflow of high skilled professionals that destabilised most of the national research institutes and universities, Nigeria continues to represent sizeable share of the African scientific production (Chatelin et. al., 1997), through mechanisms that indicate a tendency towards a fragmentation of the scientific community. Scientific foundation and myth building: the Nigerian academic community in perspective A brief history of science: National research institutes and universities To understand the development of scientific institutions in Nigeria, one must bear in mind that it followed two distinct lines. On one hand, research was meant to take advantage of the colonial potential and was therefore developed in the form of experimental stations linked with research institutes in Britain. On the other hand, higher education, developed much later in response to the nationalists pressure, witnessed a more autonomous research activity in terms of linkages and outputs. In the pre-independence era, the first higher institution for the production of S&T manpower was the Yaba higher college, established in 1932 for the purpose of producing assistant medical officers, assistant agricultural officers, assistant surveyors and assistant education officers. For as long as Yaba remained a sub-degree level institution, its products remained assistants to the expatriate officers. Post world war agitation by the nationalists led to the establishment of the University College, Ibadan in 1948. Amongst others, it offered degree courses in the basic science and agriculture, and pre-clinical courses in medicine. But the oldest experimental stations had been in existence for long, to boost production in those aspects of the economy that were export-oriented. The oldest agricultural experimental station in Nigeria was established in 1899, and the Geological Survey Department in 1919. Of the 11 research institutes that existed in 1960, ten were agricultural. The number of institutes jumped to twenty-two in 1983, with eighteen of them again catering for agricultural research. After independence, both research institutes and University-based laboratories were paid great attention. While institutes were clearly established in line with the developmentalist ideology, the creation of universities followed the political elites strategies to benefit from the national cake. In other words, universities were politically supported for their capacity to strengthen the high-skilled regional elites, while their research activities were left apart, and developed in directions that had to do more with the international scientific affiliation of the scholars or the donors interests, than with the needs of the federation or the 1964 UNESCO recommendations. A step towards a more interventionist policy came with the setting up by the military junta (1977) of the National Science and Technology Development Agency. At the same time, a quota system in favour of scientific disciplines was introduced in the university admission system (60:40 ratio). In 1979, the newly-elected civilian government went a step further with the creation of the ministry of Science and Technology, but the expected increase of the countrys S&T activities did not occur due to the lack of willingness of the political elites. The new ministry was allocated 0.85% of the budget for the 4th National Development Plan (1980-85), which was probably just sufficient to meet its administrative overheads. As a result, scientific laboratories in secondary schools remained scarce and poorly equipped, and scientific disciplines at the higher were never able to attract more than 30 per cent of the student enrolment, thus showing the failure of the ratio policy. In the mid-1980s, Nigerias scientific landscape was made of about thirty federal or others state owned universities, and of twntety-two federal research institutes. While the first were polyvalent by tradition (except for the universities of technology), the latter remained dominantly oriented towards the use of the natural resources found in Nigeria. The reinforcement of the state authoritarianism under Babangida amd Abachas military administration (1985-1998), coupled with a sudden state resources reduction led to a serious crisis in research and higher education and left universities and research institutes in a state of dispair on which a lot has been written. The relative strength of the Nigerian scientific community allowed the universities to continue, for a while, to be active in research both at local and international level. Institutes, which were more application oriented and therefore hanged to the wills of their authorities, were immediately affected by the state disengagement. It is admitted that they currently account for less than 15 per cent of the total Nigerian research output. For all these reasons, our study paid more attention to the academic community (where Nigerians most active researchers are) which does not mean that institutes scientists do not see themselves as part of the same scientific community. Although less visible locally and internationally, they tend to develop similar individual strategies to thwart the effects of the States withdrawal, and have played an equally active role in the establishment of scientific networks, societies and journals in the consolidation era of 1960s. The process of institutionalisation of academic science An educated African elite, trained either in Britain or in the U.S., has been existing in British West Africa right from the second half of the ninetieth century. It is within this population that emerged the ideas and demands leading to the creation of higher institutions in 1948 (Nwauwa, 1997). However, prior to the 1960s, there was no scientific community in Nigeria, as defined by Thomas Schott, where the scientists perform their research in the framework of national institutional arrangements for research such as universities with similar patterns, the same national associations and journals, supported by the same national foundations and the same bodies which set the national science policies; thus, they perform their research within a common institutional and intellectual setting (1991: 42) It is not that the British had no interest in developing scientific research in their West African territories, but the establishment of universities only became a matter of high policy in the late 1930s under pressures from all parts. Prior to this, educational institutions had always been set to create suitable candidates for middle-level positions which colonialism might permit Africans to hold (Nwauwa, 1996: 53), while in the few existing research institutes, research positions were filled by Europeans, mostly British. The national scientific community gradually took form in the 1960s, that is to say twenty years after the establishment of the first university in Ibadan, with the professionnalisation of science through the development of doctoral programmes (which were not implemented by the British), the emergence of local scientific journals, and with the introduction of fairly uniform practices in the academic staffs recruitment, salary scales, inducements and promotion, and the setting up of a National Universities Commission. All this contributed to institutionalise locally the status of the Nigerian academics and to keep up the illusion of a national scientific community, although 100 per cent of the scholars had done their research training abroad in various institutional environments, and despite the fact that the academic staff was still dominantly non-Nigerian in places like Ibadan and Zaria up to the mid-1960s (Fafunwa, 1971). Schotts conception of a scientific community implies the idea of a sedimentation process which never occurred in Nigeria. Contrary to India where conditions for the development of a culture of science were gradually imposed on the colonial administration by local researchers (Krishna, 2001), the community grew in fits and starts along international research networks and later on along sectional interests. The political dynamic of independence contributed to the institutionalisation of a scientific community that was already highly integrated at the international level in the global network of ties that forms, according to Schott, the global community (Schott, 1998). Moreover, the Nigerian scientific community has hardly ever been governed or influenced by national socio-economic objectives and cannot be referred to as a professional group before the late 1970s. The post-colonial states heavy investments for the creation of research units and laboratories, the invitation of world-class scientists to strengthen newborn departments and the continuous competition among international foundations to assist the scientific development of this high-potential-oil-based economy, rapidly led to the constitution of excellence centres, capable of being part of the world effort of science, but totally disconnected from their countys needs. Inter-institutional cooperation, linkages with outside interests and the building of a social demand, generally seen as features underlying the movement towards the professionalization of a scientific community (Gaillard et al., 1997: 21) remained in an embryonic state in Nigeria in spite of substantial research outputs. The lack of effectiveness of science and technology policies and the legacy of an all externally oriented model of academic promotion are generally presented as the major factors having accounted for this state of things: In the booming economy of the1970s, when much emphasis was placed on the provision of basic infrastructure, abundant food supply, the government neglected its science policy and failed to provide for the integration of local science and technology base (Obiaga, 1992). At the same time, the structure of incentives and rewards in universities (which account for 75% of the national research output), mainly based on publication outputs, generated poor recognition, if not disdain, from scientists; for local implementation of research results (Chatelin et al., 1997: 147) . If not as a scientific community, Nigerian academics were well established as a corporation right from the early 1970s. Patronised by the government as most civil servants were, their standard of living was then by comparison much higher than that of their European counterparts, and their salaries set (as in most sub-Saharan countries) at levels well above per capita incomes. Researchers maintained close international ties (usually built up during their postgraduate studies) through regular conference trips and study leaves, and through daily contacts with worldwide reputed visiting scholars who were regarding Nigerian universities as a stepping- stone in their career and were attracted by expatriate allowances (Van den Berghe, 1973). The University thus offered an international visage, highly valorised among the growing urban educated strata, and its academics willingly exhibited the signs of their material wealth (Van den Berghe, 1973). Their common status tended to fade the actual inequalities between researchers, reflecting that of their institutions in terms of reputation and of research facilities. Also, the adoption by all federal universities (including the seven sisters established from 1975) of a residential policy strengthened the picture of a shared culture, by imposing a common ecology (a physical and emotional environment) and climate (a set of perceptions towards the organisation of the institution) to all academics (Toma, 1997). Under such conditions, an apparently homogeneous mode of living surfaced to relay a corporate spirit and strong political engagement expressed and nurtured by a powerful and inflexible Union. An ambiguous relationship with the ruling elite The academic staff union federates local teaching and researching staff unions since 1965, and symbolises since 1978 (creation of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU) the resistance of a whole profession to the most authoritarian regimes. Representing the entire Nigerian academic personnel, ASUU remains a myth although professional practices have undergone profound changes and tend to be more and more individualized, and even if locally, a growing number of lecturers tend to ignore the actions of the union. One of the few unions capable of surviving the systematic dismantling of opposition organizations orchestrated by the military power from the 1980s, ASUU took the lead of the opposition against the anti-intellectual attitude of the military, and arguably secured the continued existence of the profession, even when the economic hardship prompted individual survival strategies that sidestepped unwritten academic codes of conduct: The Nigerian experience suggests that although academics are more likely in the short-term to resort to individualistic survival strategies to cope with the impact of intense economic crisis and structural adjustment, in the long-term, they would tend to rely more on collective strategies through organized union struggles. While doing so, however, their struggles would tend to be radicalized, focusing not only on bread and butter issuesbut also, quite significantly, on broad issues relating to the democratization process and contestation of authoritarian power of the state. (Jega, 1994: 66). From the 1980s, hardened and more politicised Union struggles offered a new visage of the university community - that of an opposition sphere to the abuses of the ruling class. The military power and the leaders of ASUU thus contributed through their conflicts, to reinforce the communitarian symbolism attached to the university. The uneasy relationship of the university community, represented by its union, with the political elite in power is not a new phenomenon that one could for instance associate with the sole process of exacerbation of state authoritarianism under the regime of the late General Abacha. Right from the early days of independence (1960), every creation of university, every appointment of university vice chancellor induced politics and political interference in academic matters (Amuwo, 2000: 2). The University was then a major political stake. The control of the formation of the Nigerian elite, it was thought, required that of the institutions were the elite is being shaped. Colossal investments on universities principally followed geo-political considerations (the leaders of the main political parties representing more or less the interests of the three dominant ethno-regional entities), but also to the fact that, in a country where 80% of the adult population was illiterate, academics represented, an influential group within the educated minority. All the more influential, that a number of academics of the 1960s had been the classmates of future Nigerian political leaders, while studying in England or in the United States. P. Van den Berghe (1973: 55) highlighted the central role played by universities in strengthening informal sectional solidarity networks among the elites. He portrayed the University of Ibadan (at the heart of the western region) as the Mecca of the Yoruba intelligentsia where the Yoruba members of the university staff naturally have many ties to other people in the region, most particularly with other sectors of the elite in the professions, the civil service, and more recently, the army. The creation of the universities of Nsukka (1960) and of Zaria (1962), placed respectively under the authority the Northern and Eastern regions, reinforced the regionalisation of solidarity linkages between university and political elites, and stimulated the withdrawal of the academics into their university. There they found themselves at the heart of internal political strife within their region, as in Ibadan in 1965 (Soyinka, 1994), or endured the marginalisation, indeed the ostracism, that their region underwent (the University of Nsukka and the Igboland after the Biafra war). The first military regimes (from 1966) did not attempt to oppose the particular status of academics: the "Nigerianisation" of universities was far from completion and the country was facing a critical shortage of administrative, scientific and technical manpower. Any threat to the socio-economic enviable position of the academics, or to the autonomy of their institution would jeopardise the efforts deployed to retain them from the international market on which they had been hired. A careful choice of words was therefore required in official addresses about higher education: I am aware that there are certain rights and certain universal functions that are the preserves of all reputable institutions of higher learning. I am also conscious of the fact that a great university can only emerge in an atmosphere in which the teacher is secure in his tenure and is free to push forward the frontiers of knowledge through unfettered teaching and research 30 years later, the tone is radically different, when the Head of State (general Sani Abacha) alludes to a six-month university staff strike: Dissipation of energy in pursuit of personal gains or unnecessary union activities tantamount to misplaced priorities and contribute to lowering of standards of education. The recent dissipation of so much energy in campus politics by staff instead of devoting time to the primary duty of teaching is of growing concern to government. Kunle Amuwo (2000) sees the change of tone between the two speeches as revelatory of a transformation of the mission assigned to the university (no more reference to research function in Abachas words) and to the repressive drift of the military juntas in power during the 1980s and 1990s. The academic community had then, according to Amuwo, become the only effective counter power, when assassination and imprisonment turned to be the only responses of the government to the claims of the civil society. The interpretation of a solid community opposing the assaults of the regime through its uncompromised union is shared by a number of authors (Gana, 1993 ; Jega, 1994). The real breach between the two worlds seems to have occurred when the military started perceiving the academic elite as a threat to their monopoly of patriotic language. It also probably reflects the process of deterioration of public institutions during the period, and the consecutive social relegation of their employees. The return of a democratically regime in 1999 does not seem to have had much direct impact on the social position of the academic community while universities lost their status of "protected spaces" and are no longer seen as spearheads of the struggle for social justice and civil liberties. From communal front to fragmented strategies On the whole, the university and scientific communities in Nigeria, have been more affected by twenty years of deliberate marginalisation and isolation than from the direct confrontation with the military power (Lebeau, 1996: 65). Their social status and working environment have been transformed to a point that they can hardly be depicted as a "community" anymore. Marginalisation and destabilization threw the universities and research institutes in a kind of "instable adjustment", described in by B. Niane (2000) as typical of the emergence of an informal field dominated by extraverted and individual strategies. Although the State never seemed to pursue any proper research and development strategy, it followed for about 20 years the general recommendations of UNESCO on one hand, and the dynamic set one in motion in Nigerian universities by external foundations on the other hand. Ford, Rockefeller, Nuffield and Carnegie invested heavily in the universities, either directly (construction of laboratories, libraries), or indirectly by funding doctoral scholarship programmes, fieldwork, research trips abroad, and visits of expatriate scientists and lecturers (Fafunwa, 1971). These foundations practically took over the evaluation of the Nigerias scientific output from the University of London, and boosted the countrys position on the international scientific market. Nigerian academic research did not, however, fall ipso facto into a new form of dependency: national scientific associations and their local branches, journals, public and private publishers, formed, right from the late 1960s an incomparable network in sub-Saharan Africa, by its dynamism and its geographical coverage. Nevertheless, scientific norms and references remained external, and the link between research and development always suffered from a deficit of political will, and from weak industrial development. The disconnection took a dramatic turn under the financial constraints of the 1980s-90s. The once criticised reclusion of the scientists in their ivory towers and citadels of learning, worsened with the crisis making all public institutions permeable to the destabilising influences of their SAPed environment. When public funding sources dried up, most active researchers (externally sponsored in most cases) stopped promoting their research in national events and publications while the institutions' authorities themselves tried to maintain their standard and reputation by excluding local publications and communications from their recruitment and promotion requirements. The financial crisis in which universities find themselves in 2002 is so deep that researchers, notably the most experienced and connected ones, do not even consider public monies anymore in the funding of their work. This is one of the major outcomes of the narratives collected as part of our study: the Nigerian State is seen by all as having abandoned higher education and research, to the point that existing funding schemes are not even known to everyone. The following extract of a February 2000 interview with a professor from the University of Ibadan (biochemistry) reflects this spectacular shift in the State/academic community relationship. Even though they have never been the main financial source and commissioner of scientific research, the Nigerian State and the ruling class are held responsible for the current gloominess and for the ambient individualism at the heart of research activities in the laboratories and departments: I think in Nigeria weve not been so lucky to have enlightened leaders. Our politicians in general have not been very educated and they dont understand that research is important... It is a different thing in Europe: The lawyer who becomes the president or the Prime Minister may not understand the details of research, but he understands that this is a culture that has to be developed and that somehow it is going to help in the development of the whole country. That is the understanding that our leaders in Nigeria have not got. They believe in importing what other people have already done. They dont understand they can also do research and do something that will be helpful to the country(). In the olden days when we had equipment and everything was working, we use to have research teams; People working together, publishing together. But as things became tougher; equipment started breaking down, people tended to withdraw to themselves for example some people know they cannot do research here anymore, it is impossible so their only hope is to go out from here to another country where they can occasionally do some research. Other people like me, who can still do something here but of course with funding from outside, dont want to go External norms, local promotion and career strategies The concept of extraversion, applied by political scientists (particularly Jean Francois Bayart) to the study of leaders' attitudes in post colonial African Sates bound in transboundary formations, helps in many respects to capture the individual and collective strategies of the Nigerian academic community. Thomas Callaghy, Ronald Kassimir and Robert Latham (2001) recently showed how, over the course of the post-colonial period, "extraversion strategies have increasingly spread to non-state actors and social movements" and associated the phenomenon to "a conjuncture where processes of state decline occur at the same time that international organisations and NGOs assert or respond to perceived new needs in Africa that at they claim they can do something about". In the case of Nigerian academics however, extraversion strategies are motivated by multiple reasons, some related to the condition under which science and education were instituted in the country, and others the above referred unfavourable conjuncture, and to the strong centre/periphery inclination of the scientific international community The point systematically made by the elders among our interviewees about the necessity of an international recognition shows that the "publish or perish culture" introduced with the system has tended to encourage extraverted individual strategies: No career within the university without an international recognition seems to have been the rule whatever the economic and political context. With assessment and promotion being exclusively built upon international criteria, a Nigerian scholar without international connection would stagnate at the inferior ladders of the academic hierarchy. However, the orientation of the international demand, and consequently the positioning of Nigerian researchers on the market are changing. Particularly, we have been witnessing since the mid-eighties a progressive interference of international standards in local unpublished and academically unrecognised research works, such as those commissioned by foreign foundations and NGOs. While this tendency might be revealing a global tendency towards "demands for greater social and economic relevance in research" (Becher and Trowler, 2001) and a shift towards new modes of knowledge production, it confirms the unfailing supremacy, since the establishment of Ibadan in 1948, of international references, over scientific careers and outputs in Nigeria. Excellence as a necessarily exogenous value Todays most reputed research and teaching institutions in Africa were in most cases established by the European colonial powers. The universities of Dakar and Ibadan for example remained, after independence, attached to the institutions that guaranteed the equivalence of their certificates, and beyond, the international recognition of their academic personnel. I have already evoked the militancy of the educated elite" in favour of an internationally recognised higher institution in Nigeria. This concern for excellence, shared (though not for the same purpose) by the colonised and the colonisers, remained, ten years after independence, a kind of obsession among scholars in Ibadan. Pierrre Van den Berghe noted it in his detailed monograph on the university community : Whatever the reasons, the Nigerian scholar sees himself very much in the context of world scholarship. The university as a whole is extremely conscious of its international standing, and this appears with great regularity in official addresses of vice-Chancellors. Similarly, to the individual scholar, his discipline and his professional association are very important reference groups. The achievement of international scholarly status is perhaps the most important criterion of prestige within U.I., superceding even successful academic politics as an avenue of promotion. (Van den Berghe, 1973: 64). The Nigerian higher education landscape has been dramatically transformed in Nigeria since the days of Van den Berghes observation. However, discourses by successive Vice-chancellors of U.I have consistently revolved around the idea that excellence and the past prestigious position of Ibadan on the international scene should be recovered through hard work and by fighting against the egalitarian state measures adopted in the 1970s to widen access to higher education (Lebeau, 1997; Okudu, 1983). Excellence as a norm of scientific work and as a mark of social distinction has therefore neither disappeared with the noticeable withdraw of Nigerian research output from international citation indexes from the mid 1980s, nor with the collapse of the social status of academics. On the contrary, in an impoverished but increasingly competing environment, the transnational reference remains for all researchers, as it does for their institutions (Niane, 1992 and 1997) , the only remaining means of distinction. In the 1970s, such a conservative stand placed the university community in an uneasy position vis a vis the developmentalist and nationalist tone of governmental discourses on education and research. Academics, including their trade-union representatives, having quickly realised that "excellence" could not rhyme with "national" as far as their career was concerned, departed from, and even opposed any measure aimed at questioning what actually grounded the principle of distinction between research teams and between institutions. Today, the international (or transnational) reference impacts in a more diffuse way within the institutions. Of his capacity to maintain links abroad depends the image and the authority of the scholar before his/her students, particularly when book purchases and journal subscriptions are suspended. Also, when monthly wages do not feed a family more than a week, only research grants and conference invitations abroad permit to continue to exhibit the external symbols of wealth and of international exposure formerly attached to academic status. The link abroad as a necessity to resist relegation The relationships of Nigerian researchers with the international community have been substantially affected by the economic and political instability. Roughly speaking, the context has evolved from a relation where international comes to Nigeria, often within the framework of academic linkages, or through foundations research programmes, to a situation where the researchers, relying on their established networks, preserve individually, and sometimes even secretly, their international relations. Two typical figures in the elaboration of such strategies can be drawn from the narratives collected during our study in Nigeria, reflecting two generations of active researchers. Our first figure, that of a professor (male or female) from a first generation federal university, refers to academics trained in Nigeria for their first degree and in Great Britain or the United States for their doctorate towards the end of the 1960s or early 1970s. Recruited by the university where he graduated, this researcher worked in Nigeria, in a material environment comparable with that of his European colleagues, without losing contact with the institution where he was trained as a researcher. His capacity to build on this capital (through conference trips, fellowships, joint publications) has largely determined his/her subsequent career at a time when precariousness had taken hold of Nigerian research institutions. By maintaining these contacts, he continues to travel, to have his research fieldwork in Nigeria sponsored externally (or sometimes from savings out of his conference per diem) and geared by the needs or the interests of his network. Professor I of the department of microbiology in X. matches all the characteristics of this first category: Trained at the university of Kent (Msc) and at Crownfield (PHD in specialist in Petroleum Microbiology), he orientated his research in the 1980s towards the study of environmental impact of oil activities. This strategic choice enabled him to continue to enjoy external assistance: I went once back to Crownfield on a UNESCO fellowship for 3 months. Even the 3 months were very resourceful and useful, because the 3 months in U.K is like 10 years in Nigeria. What you are going to achieve in 3 months you cannot compare it to what you are going to do here because the facilities are there, chemicals are available, electricity supply is uninterrupted anything that you need to carry out research is available and to finger-tips, that you cannot do here you cannot plan because the basic for research infrastructures for research is lacking." Beyond their material benefits, these repeated stays abroad contributed to strengthen his research position locally and his authority over the training of newcomers in the field: "I sent a PHD student to go and work in Kent for 3 months, so what he did in Kent was what actually enhanced his PHD work because he had access to electron microscope, to equipment that we don't have around even in Nigeria. Then I sent another student to Israel, to the University of Tel-Aviv who also had the same opportunity Also trained in Nigeria to the postgraduate level, and then either abroad or at home (often supervised by an expatriate professor) for his PHD, our second type reflects the experience of most senior lecturers of the first and second generation universities, and of senior research fellows of the national institutes. This type was much more difficult to portray, even at sweeping strokes, given the heterogeneity of trajectories and experiences in this group. External links are much more diverse in this generation, and might in some cases be non-existent. This population was also the most affected by the brain drain of the late 1980s and early 1990s. External collaborations can take, as in the preceding case, the form of a centre/periphery academic relation (Schott, 1998), but appear less regular and are usually maintained at the scholars own expenses, as illustrated by the following testimony of an astronomer, now based abroad: At the University of Nigeria, far from any major city, communications are especially troublesome. The only certain method is to use courier services, which are prohibitively expensive. The cost of sending a manuscript abroad even by ordinary airmail, with a fairly low probability of actually getting there, is a significant fraction of researchers' salaries. When anyone travels abroad, he or she becomes a postman, carrying a hundred or more letters from colleagues to postThe underfunding of universities forces staff to bear all the costs of communications and publication personally, unless they have managed to obtain a research grant. For the same reason, computers are scarce. A few staff members have PCs, either owned privately or in a few cases obtained through external grants. Most people, however, have to buy time on PCs if they want to do any computing. Tight security is needed for any equipment, which further restricts its availability. (Onuora, 1997) Researchers of this second type also tend to establish occasional or regular links outside the academic milieu, thus devoting more and more time to studies and expertise for international organisations. Rarely published, these works hardly contribute to their career promotion, but ensure them the necessary incomes to pursue an academically rewarding research activity: I had to, on my own, go into private business, get some money to buy a P.C, you know, to even publish the materials I have. So you cannot say that the material are there and you are working. I had to go out on my own to seek for money and - - - now use it to plunge into research, which ought not to be. That is what we are saying, it ought not to be. I had to, on my own, go out to do consultancy. The money should be for my own private use and other things. It is not good for me to have to go out to get something to support my personal research. But that's how I cope and if I see something I have published, it makes me happy. You know why you sat down and did all that, you can moveyou know if we don't publish, we perish. In the social sciences, where international consultancy tends to emerge as the main scientific output, academic publications and conferences can in some cases be literally abandoned. The researcher then becomes an expert, with his socio-economic status enjoying a fast and sometimes spectacular rise therefore upsetting a social hierarchy supposed to reflect on campus that of academic promotion. However composite and in spite of the brain drain, this category is still by far the most influential of the academic community. It comprises these "young talents" (Jega 1994), who made the glorious days of the unionism from the 1980s to the years of terror of the Abacha regime, and provided the best brains of the ministerial kitchen cabinets since the 1999 political transition. Most academics do not fall into any of the two categories portrayed above. They constitute the mass of lecturers who have no international academic connection whatsoever. Entirely educated in the country in the 1980s, these researchers were recruited at the time when public funds once devoted to the mobility of researchers, the purchase of scientific literature and the organisation of conferences, found other priorities. They work in remote and materially deprived universities, established far from the vibrant poles of the Nigerian economic and political. Rarely snowed under with local demand, these disconnected scholars have neither access to international consultancy opportunities, nor to scientific information, and therefore hardly resort to academically rewarding activities to compensate their meagre salary (Hudu, 2000). The constrained alternative of scientific migration In the early 1990s, the future of Nigerian research institutions appears gloomy, and the announced proliferation of private institutions which seems long to come, is not perceived by renown scholars as a long term alternative. It is in this context and among the best connected categories of researchers, that were massively recruited the Nigerian brains, leading to a dramatic drop in a few years of the Nigerian research potential at the senior and professorial levels. However, contrary to an established opinion, the decision to leave or to stay -- when such alternative was offered -- was certainly not an easy one to take. Its stakes varied according to disciplines, institutions, and according to the rank and fame of the researcher. The first to leave (as of the mid-1980s) were the few best known professors (medicine, social sciences, literature) who were offered, generally in North America, enviable tenured positions in research universities. Our first type could have been one of them. They were followed from the late 1980s, by a large number of younger colleagues, usually employed on less comfortable fixed-term contracts in far less reputed institutions of America, South Africa, Australia, Canada and of the Gulf countries. They form the lumpen professoriate that P. T. Zeleza (2000: 15) defines as a floating faculty excluded from the guilded privileges of tenure, or trapped, in the case of the United States, in third rate colleges or underfunded Historically Black Colleges and Universities. For this group, qualitative data on the migration process itself are unfortunately missing. Some scholars, having targeted teaching oriented institutions, disappeared totally from the international the research position they were previously occupying. Others lost their position in the international division of scientific work as a result of their migration itself. In the social sciences and in Medicine for instance, Nigerian scholars, whether at junior or senior ranks, have often been treated merely as witnesses or collectors all the more indispensable when the country (in the 1990s) was not considered conducive for fieldwork. Out of this context, some researchers lost their scientific value and disappeared from the international organisations expert lists and the Northern African studies networks they used to belong to. In the mid-1990s, Nigeria lay at the bottom end of the African university staff salary scale (Hudu, 2000). This led to another wave of migration, mainly from scholars of the third type, and dominantly within Africa, towards countries whose best brains used to fill Nigerias lowest academic positions. The exodus issue was raised in all our interviews. Our respondents all had to deal, at one point of their career, with that dilemma, and chosen to stay. Reasons vary from one to another, but few recurrent motivations can be identified. Professor G, from the most renowned department of Psychiatry in the country, explains on his way back from a sabbatical leave in Australia: I had a permanent job in Australia and I also was doing private practice. My income there was probably be times 200 of what I get here and I have a permanent resident permit there too. So if I want to go back tomorrow I just go and get a plane. The reason for coming back and for being around, sometimes it is a bit difficult to explain but I think for me it's probably got to do with what you might call relative impact.[]. I didn't go to psychiatry because I want to become a millionaire but I went in there because I had some particular interest, both clinical and research. And like I said I was very lucky in Australia where I did all the things that I probably should be doing in an environment like that. But when you look at it, just pulling me out of that system, the system is not going to rattle, while here I hope is it not a grandiose idea that one person, certainly myself or anyone else, will make more impact being here than elsewhere and that not just to the system but also for oneself (in an environment that not much is known). If you are bringing things for people to know and you are doing them in such a fairly standard way that people can relate to them tend to make more contribution than if you were just part of a large crowd of other people elsewhere. Professor S, from the Chemistry department of the same university: I am lucky that many of the people I worked with are very sympathetic in support of the course of development here. So, I saw myself as being backed up by a lot of development efforts. So, I am not isolated; these people kept me in fairly comfortable situation [] the motivation for staying is as a result of back up and that because my science has been part of international science I mean I benefited a lot from research support and that kept me. I mean I had grant report to write and things like that. However, even that drives you against hostile environment. I mean you do have a commitment to keep, you do have work, and then you see yourself ...competing with others. I think that to my mind it is a major achievement to be able to work in his type of environment. When opportunities abroad are numerous and external supports substantial, the choice to stay is fully integrated into a career strategy. Researchers can then call upon reasons such as the need to contribute from within to their countrys development or the worthwhile interest of their work and field, because they do not appear to be threatened in their position in spite of working conditions considered to be disastrous. Their research is undertaken with external funds for an external market, and the data analysis is very often done outside the university, either at home using private facilities or abroad on the occasion of sabbatical or study leaves. All things considered, it is a very similar strategy of integration on the international market which governs, for best known researchers, the choice to stay or to leave. For all the others, it is the capacity to seize an opportunity to flee, even temporarily, their deteriorated working conditions and socio-economic status which determines, in the current context, the progress of their career. The substantial salary increase (150%) negotiated in 1999 and 2000 with the government, puts Nigerian scholars on the average of wages perceived by their colleagues in sub-Saharan Africa. One could thus predict a curb in the migration rate, if not to the North, at least to countries with low potential of visibility on the international market. Conclusion: individualisation and extraversion within the global network Universities and research institutes are public institutions in Nigeria, and their researchers are civil servants. The worldwide rise of private institutions, predicted by experts as a consequence of the introduction of liberal reforms (Quddus & Rashid, 2000), is long to come in Nigeria , and the few existing private universities are yet to show any interest in research activities. What I have tried to show here is that the privatisation of research and teaching activities in Nigeria occurs mainly within the institutions that gave birth to them. This seems to reflect what Batrice Hibou sees more generally as concomitant processes of diffusion of private intermediates solutions for a growing number of functions formerly assumed by the State, and of redeployment of the latter "(Hibou, 1999:13). The disintegration of the academic community and the individualisation of scientific practices and trajectories shed more light on this phenomenon: in the absence of national public investments, research institutes and departments appear more as catalogues of individual competences than as catalysts capable of producing collective expertise. Strategies of access to the international research market the only guarantee of both statutory and social recognition - tend to be elaborated individually and to depend exclusively on personal contacts with researchers and institutions of this market. Universities controlled by the States within the Federation, established in the early 1980s, were the first in Nigeria to disappear from the research scene as a result of financial constraints, and operate today as second-class teaching institutions with the exception of one or two. Cut off from international networks, scholars from these universities were forced to seek individually for alternative resources, or to withdraw from all research activity. This de-professionnalisation process seems to apply today to the majority of Nigerian lecturers, increasingly identified in the Higher Education field by their sole teaching activity. Opposed to this is the situation of the researcher linked to a network that enables him to keep up with some personal research activity, privately or externally sponsored, using his public institutions facilities when available. At the cutting edge of communication technologies, such a researcher only shares with the first group the objective of perpetuating in the Nigerian society the image of a university community standing undivided. Broadly, the marginalisation of the Nigerian research seems to gain ground when evaluated upon scientific publications, which clearly confirms that in a developing country like Nigeria, market forces cannot be relied upon for creating a national-based research capacity. However, accounts and from our set of interviews clearly indicate the persistence of an informal but real research activity in derelict public universities and institutes, which could quickly be reinstitutionnalised, should a climate of scientific culture be promoted. The current informalisation of university research in Nigeria occurs under a wider process of transformation of the academic profession largely geared by of the mutation of international aid. The latter has deeply disrupted the cost, investigation methods, and language of scientific works by instituting research and consultancy as part of its co-operation programs (Mkandawire, 1998). In a weakly institutionalised scientific environment, the process also destabilised statutory hierarchies, by assuring faster social promotion to the researchers involved, irrespective of their academic rank. Finally, it generated some frustration and mistrust amidst top official research administrators, ruled out of both the negotiation of contracts and the dissemination of findings. This tendency, observed at various degrees in most developing countries reveals a major contradiction of the so-called globalisation of the movement of knowledge. Works produced in the context described in this article tend to receive little or no recognition, while recognition is precisely considered by scientists as the major reward for scientific performance (Schott, 1998: 132). This is due to the fact that in a deprived institutional environment, the "normal" home of both knowledge production and dissemination appears to lie outside the university. In Europe and North America, this would be perceived as a feature of the on-going shift towards the more applications-oriented `mode 2, but where the private industry is not in position to second the state, globalisation of science is likely to rhyme with isolation, marginalisation and deskilling until universities and research institutes are resurrected and professionally operationalised and research works produced for multi- and bi lateral cooperation agencies are disseminated and offered academic recognition. References Amuwo, K. (2000), The Discourse of Political Elites on Higher Education in Nigeria, in Lebeau Y. & M. Ogunsanya, The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB, pp. 1-26. Arvantis R, R. Waast & J. Gaillard (2000), Science in Africa: A Bibliometric Panorama Using PASCAL Database, Scientometrics, Vol. 47, No. 3, pp. 467-473. Banya K., & Elu J. (2001), The World Bank and financing higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa, Higher education 42, pp. 1-34. Becher, T & Trowler P.R. (2001), Academic tribes and Territories. Intellectual enquiry and the culture of disciplines, Second Edition, Buckingham, SRHE and Open University Press. T. Callaghy T, R. Kassimir, & R. Latham (2001) Intervention and Transnationalism in Africa. Global-Local Networks of Power Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chatelin Y, J. Gaillard & A.S. Keller (1997), The Nigerian Scientific community: The Colossus with Feet of Clay, in Gaillard, J., V.V. Krishna & R. Waast (eds) (1997), Scientific Communities in the Developing Word, New Delhi, Sage Publications, pp. 129-154. Fafunwa, A. B. (1971), A History of Nigerian higher Education (1827-1969), Lagos, Macmillan. Gaillard, J., V.V. Krishna & R. Waast (eds) (1997), Scientific Communities in the Developing Word, New Delhi, Sage Publications. Hibou, B. (ed.) (1999), La privatisation des Etats, Paris, Karthala. Hudu, A. (2000), Working and Living Conditions of Academic Staff in Nigeria: Strategies for Survival at Ahmadu Bello University, in Lebeau Y. & M. Ogunsanya, The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB, pp. 209-240. Jega, A. M. (1994), Nigerian Academics Under Military Rule, Stockholm, University of Stockholm, Department of Political Science, report No. 1994:3. Krishna, V. V. (2001), Reflections on the changing status of academic science in India, International Social Science Journal, Vol. 53 Issue 168, pp. 231-246. Lebeau, Y. (1997), tudiants et campus du Nigeria : recompositions du champ universitaire et sociabilits tudiantes, Paris, Karthala. Lebeau, Y. & Ogunsanya M. (eds) (2000), The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB Mkandawire, T. (1995), "Three Generations of African scholars", CODESRIA Bulletin, 2, 1995. Mkandawire, T. (1998), Notes on Consultancy and Research in Africa, Copenhagen, Centre for Development Research, Working Paper 98.13. Niane, B. (1992), Le transnational signe dexcellence, Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 95, pp. 13-25. (1997), De la transnationalisation de llite sngalaise, communication au colloque LAfrique, les Etats-Unis et la France, Bordeaux, CEAN, 22-24mai. Nwauwa, A.O. (1997), Imperialism Academe and Nationalism. Britain and University Education for Africans, 1860-1960, London, Frank Cass. Okudu, S.J. (1983), The Ibadan Syndrome of Excellence and the Nigerian University System, in Twenty Years of University Education in Nigeria, Lagos, Nigerian University Commission, pp. 77-83. Oni B. (2000),  HYPERLINK "http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc" Capacity Building Effort and Brain Drain in Nigerian Universities  Background paper for The Regional Conference on Brain Drain and Capacity Building in Africa, Economic Commission for Africa Addis Ababa, 22 - 24 February 2000.  HYPERLINK "http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc" http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc (Accessed Jan 03). Onuora, L.I. (1997), HYPERLINK "nigeria.html"World Beat: Nigeria, Mercury Magazine (The astronomical Society of the Pacific), Vol. 26 No. 4. Quddus, M. & Rashid, S. (2000), The Worlwide Movement in Private Universities, American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 59, No. 3, pp. 485-515. Schott, T. (1991), The world Scientific Community: Globality and Globalisation. Minerva, 29, 440-62. (1998), "Ties between Center and Periphery in the Scientific World-System: Accumulation of Rewards, Dominance and Self-Reliance in the Center."  HYPERLINK "http://csf.colorado.edu/wsystems/jwsr.html" Journal of World-Systems Research 4: 112 - 144. Soyinka, W. (1994), Ibadan. The Penkelemes Years. A Memoir 1946-1965, Ibadan, Spectrum Books. Toma, J.D. (1997), Alternative Inquiry Paradigms, Faculty Cultures, and the Definition of Academic Lives, Journal of Higher Education, 68 (6), 679-702. Van den Berghe, P.L. (1973), Power and Privilege at an African University, London, Routledge. Zeleza, P. T. (2000), African Labor and Intellectual Migrations to the North: Building New Transatlantic Bridges,  HYPERLINK "http://www.afrst.uiuc.edu/SEMINAR/AfricanLabor.rtf. Accessed 20/11/2001" http://www.afrst.uiuc.edu/SEMINAR/AfricanLabor.rtf. (Accessed 20/11/2001). Appendix 1: Nigerian public universities InstitutionLocationFoundedOwnershipFacultySt. enrolmentAbia State U.Uturu1983State Gov40015,389 (1999)Abubakar Tafawa Balewa U.Bauchi, Bauchi state1988Federal Gov2604000 (1999)Ahmadu Bello U.Zaria, Kaduna State1962Federal Gov206429,832 (1999)Bayero Kano U. Kano, Kano state1977Federal Gov45415,560 (1999)Benue State U.Makurdi1995State GovDelta State U. Abraka1990State GovEdo State U.Ekpoma1981State Gov43716,000 (1999)Enugu State U. of Technology Enugu1980State Gov2879,267Federal University of Technology, AkureAkure, Ondo State1981Federal Gov.2504225 (1999)Federal University of Technology, MinnaMinna, Niger state1983Federal Gov.2704318 (1999)Federal University of Technology, OwerriOwerri, Imo State1980Federal Gov.2354050 Federal University of Technology, yolaYola, Adamawa State1980Federal Gov.2043515 (1999)Imo state u. Owerri, Imo State1981State Gov.Kano state U. Kano1988State Gov.Ladoke Akintola U. of TechnologyOgbomoso1988State Gov.Lagos State U.Apapa, Lagos1983State Gov.2787800 (1999)Nigerian Defence AcademyKaduna1985Federal Gov.Nnamdi Azikiwe u. Awka, Anambra St.1995State Gov.Obafemi Awolowo U ILE-IFE, Osun State1961Federal Gov.1,327Ogun State U.Ago-Iwoye1982State Gov.2695800Ondo State U.Ado-Ekiti1982State Gov.2264686 (1999)Rivers State U. of science and tech.Port-Harcourt1980State Gov.456 10465University of AbujaAbuja1988Federal Gov.1505400University of Agric., AbeokutaOgun State1988Federal Gov.1583235University of agric., MakurdiBenue State1988Federal Gov.2242684University of agric., UmudikeUmahia, Abia State1988Federal Gov.University of BeninBenin, Edo State1970Federal Gov.69420660University of CalabarCross River State1975Federal Gov.52716,800University of IbadanIbadan, Oyo State1962Federal Gov.1,07720,434University of IlorinIlorin, Kwara State1975Federal Gov.45013,200University of JosJos, Plateau State1975Federal Gov.71113,408University of LagosAkoka, Lagos1962Federal Gov.67523,309U. of MaiduguriMaiduguri, Borno St.1975Federal Gov.63010,000University of NigeriaNsukka, Enugu State1960Federal Gov.1,05122,328U. of Port-HarcourtPort-H. Rivers State1975Federal Gov.49311,294University of UyoUyo, Aka-Ibom State1983Federal Gov.52215, 882Usman Danfodio UniversitySokoto, Sokoto State1975Federal Gov.3718,944First and second generation Universities (established in the 1960s and 1970s respectively) award master and Ph.D. degrees. First and some second generation Universities offer Post-doctoral programs. Source: Culled from the Universities Matriculation Examination Brochure, 2000-2001.+ The World Book of Learning: Nigeria, Universities and Polytechnic Colleges 1999 + The National University Commission: List of Nigerian Universities. 1999 + 2000 A. D. National University Commission Calendar + The U.S. Embassy Public Affairs Sections (Feb 2002). Appendix 2: The Federal Ministry of Science and Technology 1- Organisational structure  Source: Federal Ministry of science and Technology2001,  HYPERLINK "http://www.fmst.gov.ng/" http://www.fmst.gov.ng/ 2 Historical development The birth of the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology (FMST) began as far back as 1966 with the promulgation of the first Science and Technology Policy. The first Science and Technology Policy led to the establishment of the Nigerian Council for Science and Technology (NCST). One of the primary mandates of the NCST was to "Encourage, support and co-ordinate scientific and industrial research of all kinds." In the late 1970s, the NCST was transformed into the National Science and Technology Development Agency (NSTDA). The Ministry of Science and Technology was created in 1979. According to the FMST's 1986 National Policy, the Ministry was to "co-ordinate and undertake scientific and technology research and development." This included both inward and outward looking efforts such as "integrating foreign technology into our culture; upgrading indigenous technology; promotion of international co-operation in Science and Technology." The ministry was replaced and re-created several times between 1984 and 1992. The following 13 national research institutes are located within the ambit of the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology while another fifteen are located in the Federal Ministry of agriculture. Federal College of Chemical & Leather Technology (CHELTECH) Engineering Material Development Institute (EMDI) Federal Institute of Industrial Research, Oshodi (FIIRO) Hydraulic Equipment Development Institute (HEDI) National Research Institute for Chemical Technology (NARICT) Nigerian Building & Road Research Institute (NBRRI, 1980) Nigerian Institute of Medical Research (NIMR) National Institute for Pharmaceutical Research & Development (NIPRD) Nigerian Institute for Trypanosomias Research (NITR) Project Development Institute. development of machinery and equipment in relation to the use of steel, other metals, ceramics and glass. (PRODA, 1970) Scientific Equipment Development Institutes (DEDI) Sheda Science & Technology Complex (SHESTCO). Science village established in 1993. United Nations African Regional Centre for Space Science & Technology Education (UNARCSSTE)  Research Fellow, Centre for Higher Education Research and Information, The Open University, London. Contact: y.lebeau@open.ac.uk This paper is based on the findings of two research programmes carried out in Nigeria by the French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA-Ibadan) between 1997 and 2000. The first one (the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-Saharan Africa) provided a comparative framework for the study of on-going transformations in African universities, particularly in Nigeria (see Lebeau and Ogunsanya, 2000). The second, focusing on the scientific community and research institutions, was part of a continent-wide study on the State of Science, supervised by Roland Waast and Jacques Gaillard of IRD (Institut de Recherche pour le Dveloppement, Paris). Interviews cited in this paper are part of a forty-five professional biographies corpus collected in Nigeria between February and September 2000 by the author and his associates (Dr Omar Massoud of Ahmadu Bello University and Dr Ifeanyi Onyeonoru of the University of Ibadan) for the State of Science project.  The country currently supports 43 universities (11 state universities, 3 recently approved private universities, and 29 federal universities including three agricultural universities, one military university, and 4 inter-university centres), 27 Polytechnics, and 28 National Research institutes (13 under the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology and 15 located in the Federal Ministry of agriculture).  Research in Nigeria, like in most British tropical territories, was carried out by British scientists (principally in tropical medicine and agriculture) to find solutions to the problems faced by the settlers (Chatelin et. al, 1997).  There were six universities in 1970.  In the early 1980s in Francophone and Anglophone Africa, civil servants salaries averaged 9.6 times and 4.6 times per capita income respectively, while in Asia the multiple was 2.9 and in Latin America 3.1 ( see Banya and Elu, 2001)  Brigadier General Adebayo (1969), military governor of the western region under Gowon administration, quoted in Amuwo, 2000p. 3.  Dated 17 November 1995. Quoted in Amuwo, Op. cit.  A popular reference to the effects of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)  The academy of Bordeaux for Dakar and the University of London for Ibadan.  On the competition for extraterritorial references and symbols among Senegalese higher institutions, Boubacar Niane uses the term transnationalisation, which, "as a process of transcending nation states, and of emergence of Supra values might better reflects the current situation. These new postures , quite profitable in a totally reshaped field, are strongly encouraged, not to say imposed, by a last instance made of transnational organisations such as the UN systemwhereas internationalisation suggests exchanges, reciprocal influences, and more generally a process of values integration that does not necessarily deny or erase national characteristics (Niane, 1997).  In a previous attempt at categorising African scholars attitudes along generations, Thandika Mkandawire (1995) portrayed three generations. The third one, being the current generation of young faculty trained locally in the crisis days, is by far (in the case of Nigeria at least) less connected and less extraverted than the two previous ones. I have therefore made the choice not to depict its international strategies in this paper.  University of Ibadan (UI); University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN); University of Lagos (UNILAG), Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria (ABU); or Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife (OAU).  Interview with Mrs. O, department of Plant science and biotechnology of a Federal university. June 2000  Although the few existing private existing institutions and the joint ventures operated by public universities and private consultancy services, are massively recruiting on part-time basis among the academic staff, none of our interviewees has declared having ever considered the possibility of joining the private sector in Nigeria  The total number of lecturers in the Nigerian universities was 12,977 in 1992. This total number declined to 12,064 in 1995. In other words, a total of 883 lecturers left the universities between 1992 and 1995 (Oni, 2000).  One, of course, thinks of Ghanaian lecturers, seen teaching in Nigerian secondary schools in the early 1980s.  Selected in most cases on the basis of their repeated appearance in international citation indexes.  According to Avantis et. al. (2000), Nigeria has lost half of its scientific published output in five years. 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ࡱ> U@ bjbj 4e@N\\\pP08Ѓ|0'<p$RG  0 Vf^0'OO00&O6T 00$>TFD=(00TFLebeau, Y (2003) Extraversion Strategies within a Peripheral Research Community. Nigerian Scientists Responses to the State and Changing Patterns of International Science and Development Cooperation, Science, Technology and Society 8 (2), 185-213. Final draft: Accepted Feb 2003 Extraversion Strategies within a Peripheral Research Community. Nigerian Scientists Responses to the State and Changing Patterns of International Science and Development Cooperation Yann Lebeau Abstract Labelled giant of Africa in the 1970s on account of its promising human and natural resources, Nigeria entered in the early 1980s in an unprecedented period of recession following the domination of corruption over government operations, the fall of the oil market price, and the introduction of a structural adjustment programme in 1986. Despite its potential wealth, Nigeria is ranked today as part of the worlds 30 least developed countries This has, of course, had severe repercussions on institutions of higher learning and the scientific community through the twin effects of the deterioration of the working conditions and that of the purchasing power of academic staff. However, our study, based on visits in nine of the most prestigious research institutions and interviews with forty-five scientists working there , reveals that, contrary to all expectations, research has not died. It has rather been transformed, in various ways, along the survival strategies evolved by the scientists and the needs of the international community. Education and research are among the symbols usually referred to, to symbolise the continuity of the State presence. In most African countries, the development of schools (from primary to tertiary level) and that of research institutes witnessed a spectacular boom within the two decades that followed independences. As engines of development, education and research were expected to guaranty the independence of the newly created States vis vis their former Metropoles, and to strengthen their position in the international competition. In many countries, the change of course of the 1980s, marked by a withdrawal of the state (imposed or negotiated) from the economic sphere now supposedly regulated solely by the market forces, provoked a transformation of the function traditionally ascribed to education and knowledge, without systematic transfer of the sectors sovereignty from the public to the private sector. The case of Nigeria, highlighted in this paper, is in many respects exemplary. The continuous growth of the oil rent came to sudden end in the early 1980s, resulting in a severe cutback in public resources. The regulatory functions of the state were badly affected by the combination of this unfavourable economic conjuncture with the constant political instability the country is submitted to since independence (Osaghae, 1998: 342). Scientific research for instance, developed and pampered by the British in their West African territories long before the establishment of the university of Ibadan in 1948, and boosted by the proliferation of universities that accompanied the political dynamic of the post-independence era, got literally stoned by the state of dereliction of Nigeria's public sector from the 1980s. Sudden and drastic budgetary reduction affected the social status of Nigerian scientists in two ways: Firstly through a slump in their purchasing power and hence that of their standard of living, and secondly through the marginalisation of Nigerias research output by interruption of State support to and interest in the development of science and knowledge promotion. In addition, the international scientific environment, to which Nigerian academics have always been closely linked, has changed tremendously, with new patterns of North/South co-operation emerging, and with a general movement towards a transdisciplinary socially distributed mode of knowledge production (Ronayne, 1997) generating new non-academic expectations, new forms of scientific legitimisation, and, at the same time, a loss of the exceptional status and individual autonomy of HE (Becher and Trowler, 2001: 6). In Africa particularly, new scientific skills (the consultancy industry) emerged and gradually introduced new modes and norms of knowledge production with the rise of policy-related aid (Mkandawire, 1998). This situation generated different types of individual and collective reactions and strategies amidst the Nigerian scientific community that this paper seeks to examine. In spite of a fifteen year outflow of high skilled professionals that destabilised most of the national research institutes and universities, Nigeria continues to represent sizeable share of the African scientific production (Chatelin et. al., 1997), through mechanisms that indicate a tendency towards a fragmentation of the scientific community. Scientific foundation and myth building: the Nigerian academic community in perspective A brief history of science: National research institutes and universities To understand the development of scientific institutions in Nigeria, one must bear in mind that it followed two distinct lines. On one hand, research was meant to take advantage of the colonial potential and was therefore developed in the form of experimental stations linked with research institutes in Britain. On the other hand, higher education, developed much later in response to the nationalists pressure, witnessed a more autonomous research activity in terms of linkages and outputs. In the pre-independence era, the first higher institution for the production of S&T manpower was the Yaba higher college, established in 1932 for the purpose of producing assistant medical officers, assistant agricultural officers, assistant surveyors and assistant education officers. For as long as Yaba remained a sub-degree level institution, its products remained assistants to the expatriate officers. Post world war agitation by the nationalists led to the establishment of the University College, Ibadan in 1948. Amongst others, it offered degree courses in the basic science and agriculture, and pre-clinical courses in medicine. But the oldest experimental stations had been in existence for long, to boost production in those aspects of the economy that were export-oriented. The oldest agricultural experimental station in Nigeria was established in 1899, and the Geological Survey Department in 1919. Of the 11 research institutes that existed in 1960, ten were agricultural. The number of institutes jumped to twenty-two in 1983, with eighteen of them again catering for agricultural research. After independence, both research institutes and University-based laboratories were paid great attention. While institutes were clearly established in line with the developmentalist ideology, the creation of universities followed the political elites strategies to benefit from the national cake. In other words, universities were politically supported for their capacity to strengthen the high-skilled regional elites, while their research activities were left apart, and developed in directions that had to do more with the international scientific affiliation of the scholars or the donors interests, than with the needs of the federation or the 1964 UNESCO recommendations. A step towards a more interventionist policy came with the setting up by the military junta (1977) of the National Science and Technology Development Agency. At the same time, a quota system in favour of scientific disciplines was introduced in the university admission system (60:40 ratio). In 1979, the newly-elected civilian government went a step further with the creation of the ministry of Science and Technology, but the expected increase of the countrys S&T activities did not occur due to the lack of willingness of the political elites. The new ministry was allocated 0.85% of the budget for the 4th National Development Plan (1980-85), which was probably just sufficient to meet its administrative overheads. As a result, scientific laboratories in secondary schools remained scarce and poorly equipped, and scientific disciplines at the higher were never able to attract more than 30 per cent of the student enrolment, thus showing the failure of the ratio policy. In the mid-1980s, Nigerias scientific landscape was made of about thirty federal or others state owned universities, and of twntety-two federal research institutes. While the first were polyvalent by tradition (except for the universities of technology), the latter remained dominantly oriented towards the use of the natural resources found in Nigeria. The reinforcement of the state authoritarianism under Babangida amd Abachas military administration (1985-1998), coupled with a sudden state resources reduction led to a serious crisis in research and higher education and left universities and research institutes in a state of dispair on which a lot has been written. The relative strength of the Nigerian scientific community allowed the universities to continue, for a while, to be active in research both at local and international level. Institutes, which were more application oriented and therefore hanged to the wills of their authorities, were immediately affected by the state disengagement. It is admitted that they currently account for less than 15 per cent of the total Nigerian research output. For all these reasons, our study paid more attention to the academic community (where Nigerians most active researchers are) which does not mean that institutes scientists do not see themselves as part of the same scientific community. Although less visible locally and internationally, they tend to develop similar individual strategies to thwart the effects of the States withdrawal, and have played an equally active role in the establishment of scientific networks, societies and journals in the consolidation era of 1960s. The process of institutionalisation of academic science An educated African elite, trained either in Britain or in the U.S., has been existing in British West Africa right from the second half of the ninetieth century. It is within this population that emerged the ideas and demands leading to the creation of higher institutions in 1948 (Nwauwa, 1997). However, prior to the 1960s, there was no scientific community in Nigeria, as defined by Thomas Schott, where the scientists perform their research in the framework of national institutional arrangements for research such as universities with similar patterns, the same national associations and journals, supported by the same national foundations and the same bodies which set the national science policies; thus, they perform their research within a common institutional and intellectual setting (1991: 42) It is not that the British had no interest in developing scientific research in their West African territories, but the establishment of universities only became a matter of high policy in the late 1930s under pressures from all parts. Prior to this, educational institutions had always been set to create suitable candidates for middle-level positions which colonialism might permit Africans to hold (Nwauwa, 1996: 53), while in the few existing research institutes, research positions were filled by Europeans, mostly British. The national scientific community gradually took form in the 1960s, that is to say twenty years after the establishment of the first university in Ibadan, with the professionnalisation of science through the development of doctoral programmes (which were not implemented by the British), the emergence of local scientific journals, and with the introduction of fairly uniform practices in the academic staffs recruitment, salary scales, inducements and promotion, and the setting up of a National Universities Commission. All this contributed to institutionalise locally the status of the Nigerian academics and to keep up the illusion of a national scientific community, although 100 per cent of the scholars had done their research training abroad in various institutional environments, and despite the fact that the academic staff was still dominantly non-Nigerian in places like Ibadan and Zaria up to the mid-1960s (Fafunwa, 1971). Schotts conception of a scientific community implies the idea of a sedimentation process which never occurred in Nigeria. Contrary to India where conditions for the development of a culture of science were gradually imposed on the colonial administration by local researchers (Krishna, 2001), the community grew in fits and starts along international research networks and later on along sectional interests. The political dynamic of independence contributed to the institutionalisation of a scientific community that was already highly integrated at the international level in the global network of ties that forms, according to Schott, the global community (Schott, 1998). Moreover, the Nigerian scientific community has hardly ever been governed or influenced by national socio-economic objectives and cannot be referred to as a professional group before the late 1970s. The post-colonial states heavy investments for the creation of research units and laboratories, the invitation of world-class scientists to strengthen newborn departments and the continuous competition among international foundations to assist the scientific development of this high-potential-oil-based economy, rapidly led to the constitution of excellence centres, capable of being part of the world effort of science, but totally disconnected from their countys needs. Inter-institutional cooperation, linkages with outside interests and the building of a social demand, generally seen as features underlying the movement towards the professionalization of a scientific community (Gaillard et al., 1997: 21) remained in an embryonic state in Nigeria in spite of substantial research outputs. The lack of effectiveness of science and technology policies and the legacy of an all externally oriented model of academic promotion are generally presented as the major factors having accounted for this state of things: In the booming economy of the1970s, when much emphasis was placed on the provision of basic infrastructure, abundant food supply, the government neglected its science policy and failed to provide for the integration of local science and technology base (Obiaga, 1992). At the same time, the structure of incentives and rewards in universities (which account for 75% of the national research output), mainly based on publication outputs, generated poor recognition, if not disdain, from scientists; for local implementation of research results (Chatelin et al., 1997: 147) . If not as a scientific community, Nigerian academics were well established as a corporation right from the early 1970s. Patronised by the government as most civil servants were, their standard of living was then by comparison much higher than that of their European counterparts, and their salaries set (as in most sub-Saharan countries) at levels well above per capita incomes. Researchers maintained close international ties (usually built up during their postgraduate studies) through regular conference trips and study leaves, and through daily contacts with worldwide reputed visiting scholars who were regarding Nigerian universities as a stepping- stone in their career and were attracted by expatriate allowances (Van den Berghe, 1973). The University thus offered an international visage, highly valorised among the growing urban educated strata, and its academics willingly exhibited the signs of their material wealth (Van den Berghe, 1973). Their common status tended to fade the actual inequalities between researchers, reflecting that of their institutions in terms of reputation and of research facilities. Also, the adoption by all federal universities (including the seven sisters established from 1975) of a residential policy strengthened the picture of a shared culture, by imposing a common ecology (a physical and emotional environment) and climate (a set of perceptions towards the organisation of the institution) to all academics (Toma, 1997). Under such conditions, an apparently homogeneous mode of living surfaced to relay a corporate spirit and strong political engagement expressed and nurtured by a powerful and inflexible Union. An ambiguous relationship with the ruling elite The academic staff union federates local teaching and researching staff unions since 1965, and symbolises since 1978 (creation of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU) the resistance of a whole profession to the most authoritarian regimes. Representing the entire Nigerian academic personnel, ASUU remains a myth although professional practices have undergone profound changes and tend to be more and more individualized, and even if locally, a growing number of lecturers tend to ignore the actions of the union. One of the few unions capable of surviving the systematic dismantling of opposition organizations orchestrated by the military power from the 1980s, ASUU took the lead of the opposition against the anti-intellectual attitude of the military, and arguably secured the continued existence of the profession, even when the economic hardship prompted individual survival strategies that sidestepped unwritten academic codes of conduct: The Nigerian experience suggests that although academics are more likely in the short-term to resort to individualistic survival strategies to cope with the impact of intense economic crisis and structural adjustment, in the long-term, they would tend to rely more on collective strategies through organized union struggles. While doing so, however, their struggles would tend to be radicalized, focusing not only on bread and butter issuesbut also, quite significantly, on broad issues relating to the democratization process and contestation of authoritarian power of the state. (Jega, 1994: 66). From the 1980s, hardened and more politicised Union struggles offered a new visage of the university community - that of an opposition sphere to the abuses of the ruling class. The military power and the leaders of ASUU thus contributed through their conflicts, to reinforce the communitarian symbolism attached to the university. The uneasy relationship of the university community, represented by its union, with the political elite in power is not a new phenomenon that one could for instance associate with the sole process of exacerbation of state authoritarianism under the regime of the late General Abacha. Right from the early days of independence (1960), every creation of university, every appointment of university vice chancellor induced politics and political interference in academic matters (Amuwo, 2000: 2). The University was then a major political stake. The control of the formation of the Nigerian elite, it was thought, required that of the institutions were the elite is being shaped. Colossal investments on universities principally followed geo-political considerations (the leaders of the main political parties representing more or less the interests of the three dominant ethno-regional entities), but also to the fact that, in a country where 80% of the adult population was illiterate, academics represented, an influential group within the educated minority. All the more influential, that a number of academics of the 1960s had been the classmates of future Nigerian political leaders, while studying in England or in the United States. P. Van den Berghe (1973: 55) highlighted the central role played by universities in strengthening informal sectional solidarity networks among the elites. He portrayed the University of Ibadan (at the heart of the western region) as the Mecca of the Yoruba intelligentsia where the Yoruba members of the university staff naturally have many ties to other people in the region, most particularly with other sectors of the elite in the professions, the civil service, and more recently, the army. The creation of the universities of Nsukka (1960) and of Zaria (1962), placed respectively under the authority the Northern and Eastern regions, reinforced the regionalisation of solidarity linkages between university and political elites, and stimulated the withdrawal of the academics into their university. There they found themselves at the heart of internal political strife within their region, as in Ibadan in 1965 (Soyinka, 1994), or endured the marginalisation, indeed the ostracism, that their region underwent (the University of Nsukka and the Igboland after the Biafra war). The first military regimes (from 1966) did not attempt to oppose the particular status of academics: the "Nigerianisation" of universities was far from completion and the country was facing a critical shortage of administrative, scientific and technical manpower. Any threat to the socio-economic enviable position of the academics, or to the autonomy of their institution would jeopardise the efforts deployed to retain them from the international market on which they had been hired. A careful choice of words was therefore required in official addresses about higher education: I am aware that there are certain rights and certain universal functions that are the preserves of all reputable institutions of higher learning. I am also conscious of the fact that a great university can only emerge in an atmosphere in which the teacher is secure in his tenure and is free to push forward the frontiers of knowledge through unfettered teaching and research 30 years later, the tone is radically different, when the Head of State (general Sani Abacha) alludes to a six-month university staff strike: Dissipation of energy in pursuit of personal gains or unnecessary union activities tantamount to misplaced priorities and contribute to lowering of standards of education. The recent dissipation of so much energy in campus politics by staff instead of devoting time to the primary duty of teaching is of growing concern to government. Kunle Amuwo (2000) sees the change of tone between the two speeches as revelatory of a transformation of the mission assigned to the university (no more reference to research function in Abachas words) and to the repressive drift of the military juntas in power during the 1980s and 1990s. The academic community had then, according to Amuwo, become the only effective counter power, when assassination and imprisonment turned to be the only responses of the government to the claims of the civil society. The interpretation of a solid community opposing the assaults of the regime through its uncompromised union is shared by a number of authors (Gana, 1993 ; Jega, 1994). The real breach between the two worlds seems to have occurred when the military started perceiving the academic elite as a threat to their monopoly of patriotic language. It also probably reflects the process of deterioration of public institutions during the period, and the consecutive social relegation of their employees. The return of a democratically regime in 1999 does not seem to have had much direct impact on the social position of the academic community while universities lost their status of "protected spaces" and are no longer seen as spearheads of the struggle for social justice and civil liberties. From communal front to fragmented strategies On the whole, the university and scientific communities in Nigeria, have been more affected by twenty years of deliberate marginalisation and isolation than from the direct confrontation with the military power (Lebeau, 1996: 65). Their social status and working environment have been transformed to a point that they can hardly be depicted as a "community" anymore. Marginalisation and destabilization threw the universities and research institutes in a kind of "instable adjustment", described in by B. Niane (2000) as typical of the emergence of an informal field dominated by extraverted and individual strategies. Although the State never seemed to pursue any proper research and development strategy, it followed for about 20 years the general recommendations of UNESCO on one hand, and the dynamic set one in motion in Nigerian universities by external foundations on the other hand. Ford, Rockefeller, Nuffield and Carnegie invested heavily in the universities, either directly (construction of laboratories, libraries), or indirectly by funding doctoral scholarship programmes, fieldwork, research trips abroad, and visits of expatriate scientists and lecturers (Fafunwa, 1971). These foundations practically took over the evaluation of the Nigerias scientific output from the University of London, and boosted the countrys position on the international scientific market. Nigerian academic research did not, however, fall ipso facto into a new form of dependency: national scientific associations and their local branches, journals, public and private publishers, formed, right from the late 1960s an incomparable network in sub-Saharan Africa, by its dynamism and its geographical coverage. Nevertheless, scientific norms and references remained external, and the link between research and development always suffered from a deficit of political will, and from weak industrial development. The disconnection took a dramatic turn under the financial constraints of the 1980s-90s. The once criticised reclusion of the scientists in their ivory towers and citadels of learning, worsened with the crisis making all public institutions permeable to the destabilising influences of their SAPed environment. When public funding sources dried up, most active researchers (externally sponsored in most cases) stopped promoting their research in national events and publications while the institutions' authorities themselves tried to maintain their standard and reputation by excluding local publications and communications from their recruitment and promotion requirements. The financial crisis in which universities find themselves in 2002 is so deep that researchers, notably the most experienced and connected ones, do not even consider public monies anymore in the funding of their work. This is one of the major outcomes of the narratives collected as part of our study: the Nigerian State is seen by all as having abandoned higher education and research, to the point that existing funding schemes are not even known to everyone. The following extract of a February 2000 interview with a professor from the University of Ibadan (biochemistry) reflects this spectacular shift in the State/academic community relationship. Even though they have never been the main financial source and commissioner of scientific research, the Nigerian State and the ruling class are held responsible for the current gloominess and for the ambient individualism at the heart of research activities in the laboratories and departments: I think in Nigeria weve not been so lucky to have enlightened leaders. Our politicians in general have not been very educated and they dont understand that research is important... It is a different thing in Europe: The lawyer who becomes the president or the Prime Minister may not understand the details of research, but he understands that this is a culture that has to be developed and that somehow it is going to help in the development of the whole country. That is the understanding that our leaders in Nigeria have not got. They believe in importing what other people have already done. They dont understand they can also do research and do something that will be helpful to the country(). In the olden days when we had equipment and everything was working, we use to have research teams; People working together, publishing together. But as things became tougher; equipment started breaking down, people tended to withdraw to themselves for example some people know they cannot do research here anymore, it is impossible so their only hope is to go out from here to another country where they can occasionally do some research. Other people like me, who can still do something here but of course with funding from outside, dont want to go External norms, local promotion and career strategies The concept of extraversion, applied by political scientists (particularly Jean Francois Bayart) to the study of leaders' attitudes in post colonial African Sates bound in transboundary formations, helps in many respects to capture the individual and collective strategies of the Nigerian academic community. Thomas Callaghy, Ronald Kassimir and Robert Latham (2001) recently showed how, over the course of the post-colonial period, "extraversion strategies have increasingly spread to non-state actors and social movements" and associated the phenomenon to "a conjuncture where processes of state decline occur at the same time that international organisations and NGOs assert or respond to perceived new needs in Africa that at they claim they can do something about". In the case of Nigerian academics however, extraversion strategies are motivated by multiple reasons, some related to the condition under which science and education were instituted in the country, and others the above referred unfavourable conjuncture, and to the strong centre/periphery inclination of the scientific international community The point systematically made by the elders among our interviewees about the necessity of an international recognition shows that the "publish or perish culture" introduced with the system has tended to encourage extraverted individual strategies: No career within the university without an international recognition seems to have been the rule whatever the economic and political context. With assessment and promotion being exclusively built upon international criteria, a Nigerian scholar without international connection would stagnate at the inferior ladders of the academic hierarchy. However, the orientation of the international demand, and consequently the positioning of Nigerian researchers on the market are changing. Particularly, we have been witnessing since the mid-eighties a progressive interference of international standards in local unpublished and academically unrecognised research works, such as those commissioned by foreign foundations and NGOs. While this tendency might be revealing a global tendency towards "demands for greater social and economic relevance in research" (Becher and Trowler, 2001) and a shift towards new modes of knowledge production, it confirms the unfailing supremacy, since the establishment of Ibadan in 1948, of international references, over scientific careers and outputs in Nigeria. Excellence as a necessarily exogenous value Todays most reputed research and teaching institutions in Africa were in most cases established by the European colonial powers. The universities of Dakar and Ibadan for example remained, after independence, attached to the institutions that guaranteed the equivalence of their certificates, and beyond, the international recognition of their academic personnel. I have already evoked the militancy of the educated elite" in favour of an internationally recognised higher institution in Nigeria. This concern for excellence, shared (though not for the same purpose) by the colonised and the colonisers, remained, ten years after independence, a kind of obsession among scholars in Ibadan. Pierrre Van den Berghe noted it in his detailed monograph on the university community : Whatever the reasons, the Nigerian scholar sees himself very much in the context of world scholarship. The university as a whole is extremely conscious of its international standing, and this appears with great regularity in official addresses of vice-Chancellors. Similarly, to the individual scholar, his discipline and his professional association are very important reference groups. The achievement of international scholarly status is perhaps the most important criterion of prestige within U.I., superceding even successful academic politics as an avenue of promotion. (Van den Berghe, 1973: 64). The Nigerian higher education landscape has been dramatically transformed in Nigeria since the days of Van den Berghes observation. However, discourses by successive Vice-chancellors of U.I have consistently revolved around the idea that excellence and the past prestigious position of Ibadan on the international scene should be recovered through hard work and by fighting against the egalitarian state measures adopted in the 1970s to widen access to higher education (Lebeau, 1997; Okudu, 1983). Excellence as a norm of scientific work and as a mark of social distinction has therefore neither disappeared with the noticeable withdraw of Nigerian research output from international citation indexes from the mid 1980s, nor with the collapse of the social status of academics. On the contrary, in an impoverished but increasingly competing environment, the transnational reference remains for all researchers, as it does for their institutions (Niane, 1992 and 1997) , the only remaining means of distinction. In the 1970s, such a conservative stand placed the university community in an uneasy position vis a vis the developmentalist and nationalist tone of governmental discourses on education and research. Academics, including their trade-union representatives, having quickly realised that "excellence" could not rhyme with "national" as far as their career was concerned, departed from, and even opposed any measure aimed at questioning what actually grounded the principle of distinction between research teams and between institutions. Today, the international (or transnational) reference impacts in a more diffuse way within the institutions. Of his capacity to maintain links abroad depends the image and the authority of the scholar before his/her students, particularly when book purchases and journal subscriptions are suspended. Also, when monthly wages do not feed a family more than a week, only research grants and conference invitations abroad permit to continue to exhibit the external symbols of wealth and of international exposure formerly attached to academic status. The link abroad as a necessity to resist relegation The relationships of Nigerian researchers with the international community have been substantially affected by the economic and political instability. Roughly speaking, the context has evolved from a relation where international comes to Nigeria, often within the framework of academic linkages, or through foundations research programmes, to a situation where the researchers, relying on their established networks, preserve individually, and sometimes even secretly, their international relations. Two typical figures in the elaboration of such strategies can be drawn from the narratives collected during our study in Nigeria, reflecting two generations of active researchers. Our first figure, that of a professor (male or female) from a first generation federal university, refers to academics trained in Nigeria for their first degree and in Great Britain or the United States for their doctorate towards the end of the 1960s or early 1970s. Recruited by the university where he graduated, this researcher worked in Nigeria, in a material environment comparable with that of his European colleagues, without losing contact with the institution where he was trained as a researcher. His capacity to build on this capital (through conference trips, fellowships, joint publications) has largely determined his/her subsequent career at a time when precariousness had taken hold of Nigerian research institutions. By maintaining these contacts, he continues to travel, to have his research fieldwork in Nigeria sponsored externally (or sometimes from savings out of his conference per diem) and geared by the needs or the interests of his network. Professor I of the department of microbiology in X. matches all the characteristics of this first category: Trained at the university of Kent (Msc) and at Crownfield (PHD in specialist in Petroleum Microbiology), he orientated his research in the 1980s towards the study of environmental impact of oil activities. This strategic choice enabled him to continue to enjoy external assistance: I went once back to Crownfield on a UNESCO fellowship for 3 months. Even the 3 months were very resourceful and useful, because the 3 months in U.K is like 10 years in Nigeria. What you are going to achieve in 3 months you cannot compare it to what you are going to do here because the facilities are there, chemicals are available, electricity supply is uninterrupted anything that you need to carry out research is available and to finger-tips, that you cannot do here you cannot plan because the basic for research infrastructures for research is lacking." Beyond their material benefits, these repeated stays abroad contributed to strengthen his research position locally and his authority over the training of newcomers in the field: "I sent a PHD student to go and work in Kent for 3 months, so what he did in Kent was what actually enhanced his PHD work because he had access to electron microscope, to equipment that we don't have around even in Nigeria. Then I sent another student to Israel, to the University of Tel-Aviv who also had the same opportunity Also trained in Nigeria to the postgraduate level, and then either abroad or at home (often supervised by an expatriate professor) for his PHD, our second type reflects the experience of most senior lecturers of the first and second generation universities, and of senior research fellows of the national institutes. This type was much more difficult to portray, even at sweeping strokes, given the heterogeneity of trajectories and experiences in this group. External links are much more diverse in this generation, and might in some cases be non-existent. This population was also the most affected by the brain drain of the late 1980s and early 1990s. External collaborations can take, as in the preceding case, the form of a centre/periphery academic relation (Schott, 1998), but appear less regular and are usually maintained at the scholars own expenses, as illustrated by the following testimony of an astronomer, now based abroad: At the University of Nigeria, far from any major city, communications are especially troublesome. The only certain method is to use courier services, which are prohibitively expensive. The cost of sending a manuscript abroad even by ordinary airmail, with a fairly low probability of actually getting there, is a significant fraction of researchers' salaries. When anyone travels abroad, he or she becomes a postman, carrying a hundred or more letters from colleagues to postThe underfunding of universities forces staff to bear all the costs of communications and publication personally, unless they have managed to obtain a research grant. For the same reason, computers are scarce. A few staff members have PCs, either owned privately or in a few cases obtained through external grants. Most people, however, have to buy time on PCs if they want to do any computing. Tight security is needed for any equipment, which further restricts its availability. (Onuora, 1997) Researchers of this second type also tend to establish occasional or regular links outside the academic milieu, thus devoting more and more time to studies and expertise for international organisations. Rarely published, these works hardly contribute to their career promotion, but ensure them the necessary incomes to pursue an academically rewarding research activity: I had to, on my own, go into private business, get some money to buy a P.C, you know, to even publish the materials I have. So you cannot say that the material are there and you are working. I had to go out on my own to seek for money and - - - now use it to plunge into research, which ought not to be. That is what we are saying, it ought not to be. I had to, on my own, go out to do consultancy. The money should be for my own private use and other things. It is not good for me to have to go out to get something to support my personal research. But that's how I cope and if I see something I have published, it makes me happy. You know why you sat down and did all that, you can moveyou know if we don't publish, we perish. In the social sciences, where international consultancy tends to emerge as the main scientific output, academic publications and conferences can in some cases be literally abandoned. The researcher then becomes an expert, with his socio-economic status enjoying a fast and sometimes spectacular rise therefore upsetting a social hierarchy supposed to reflect on campus that of academic promotion. However composite and in spite of the brain drain, this category is still by far the most influential of the academic community. It comprises these "young talents" (Jega 1994), who made the glorious days of the unionism from the 1980s to the years of terror of the Abacha regime, and provided the best brains of the ministerial kitchen cabinets since the 1999 political transition. Most academics do not fall into any of the two categories portrayed above. They constitute the mass of lecturers who have no international academic connection whatsoever. Entirely educated in the country in the 1980s, these researchers were recruited at the time when public funds once devoted to the mobility of researchers, the purchase of scientific literature and the organisation of conferences, found other priorities. They work in remote and materially deprived universities, established far from the vibrant poles of the Nigerian economic and political. Rarely snowed under with local demand, these disconnected scholars have neither access to international consultancy opportunities, nor to scientific information, and therefore hardly resort to academically rewarding activities to compensate their meagre salary (Hudu, 2000). The constrained alternative of scientific migration In the early 1990s, the future of Nigerian research institutions appears gloomy, and the announced proliferation of private institutions which seems long to come, is not perceived by renown scholars as a long term alternative. It is in this context and among the best connected categories of researchers, that were massively recruited the Nigerian brains, leading to a dramatic drop in a few years of the Nigerian research potential at the senior and professorial levels. However, contrary to an established opinion, the decision to leave or to stay -- when such alternative was offered -- was certainly not an easy one to take. Its stakes varied according to disciplines, institutions, and according to the rank and fame of the researcher. The first to leave (as of the mid-1980s) were the few best known professors (medicine, social sciences, literature) who were offered, generally in North America, enviable tenured positions in research universities. Our first type could have been one of them. They were followed from the late 1980s, by a large number of younger colleagues, usually employed on less comfortable fixed-term contracts in far less reputed institutions of America, South Africa, Australia, Canada and of the Gulf countries. They form the lumpen professoriate that P. T. Zeleza (2000: 15) defines as a floating faculty excluded from the guilded privileges of tenure, or trapped, in the case of the United States, in third rate colleges or underfunded Historically Black Colleges and Universities. For this group, qualitative data on the migration process itself are unfortunately missing. Some scholars, having targeted teaching oriented institutions, disappeared totally from the international the research position they were previously occupying. Others lost their position in the international division of scientific work as a result of their migration itself. In the social sciences and in Medicine for instance, Nigerian scholars, whether at junior or senior ranks, have often been treated merely as witnesses or collectors all the more indispensable when the country (in the 1990s) was not considered conducive for fieldwork. Out of this context, some researchers lost their scientific value and disappeared from the international organisations expert lists and the Northern African studies networks they used to belong to. In the mid-1990s, Nigeria lay at the bottom end of the African university staff salary scale (Hudu, 2000). This led to another wave of migration, mainly from scholars of the third type, and dominantly within Africa, towards countries whose best brains used to fill Nigerias lowest academic positions. The exodus issue was raised in all our interviews. Our respondents all had to deal, at one point of their career, with that dilemma, and chosen to stay. Reasons vary from one to another, but few recurrent motivations can be identified. Professor G, from the most renowned department of Psychiatry in the country, explains on his way back from a sabbatical leave in Australia: I had a permanent job in Australia and I also was doing private practice. My income there was probably be times 200 of what I get here and I have a permanent resident permit there too. So if I want to go back tomorrow I just go and get a plane. The reason for coming back and for being around, sometimes it is a bit difficult to explain but I think for me it's probably got to do with what you might call relative impact.[]. I didn't go to psychiatry because I want to become a millionaire but I went in there because I had some particular interest, both clinical and research. And like I said I was very lucky in Australia where I did all the things that I probably should be doing in an environment like that. But when you look at it, just pulling me out of that system, the system is not going to rattle, while here I hope is it not a grandiose idea that one person, certainly myself or anyone else, will make more impact being here than elsewhere and that not just to the system but also for oneself (in an environment that not much is known). If you are bringing things for people to know and you are doing them in such a fairly standard way that people can relate to them tend to make more contribution than if you were just part of a large crowd of other people elsewhere. Professor S, from the Chemistry department of the same university: I am lucky that many of the people I worked with are very sympathetic in support of the course of development here. So, I saw myself as being backed up by a lot of development efforts. So, I am not isolated; these people kept me in fairly comfortable situation [] the motivation for staying is as a result of back up and that because my science has been part of international science I mean I benefited a lot from research support and that kept me. I mean I had grant report to write and things like that. However, even that drives you against hostile environment. I mean you do have a commitment to keep, you do have work, and then you see yourself ...competing with others. I think that to my mind it is a major achievement to be able to work in his type of environment. When opportunities abroad are numerous and external supports substantial, the choice to stay is fully integrated into a career strategy. Researchers can then call upon reasons such as the need to contribute from within to their countrys development or the worthwhile interest of their work and field, because they do not appear to be threatened in their position in spite of working conditions considered to be disastrous. Their research is undertaken with external funds for an external market, and the data analysis is very often done outside the university, either at home using private facilities or abroad on the occasion of sabbatical or study leaves. All things considered, it is a very similar strategy of integration on the international market which governs, for best known researchers, the choice to stay or to leave. For all the others, it is the capacity to seize an opportunity to flee, even temporarily, their deteriorated working conditions and socio-economic status which determines, in the current context, the progress of their career. The substantial salary increase (150%) negotiated in 1999 and 2000 with the government, puts Nigerian scholars on the average of wages perceived by their colleagues in sub-Saharan Africa. One could thus predict a curb in the migration rate, if not to the North, at least to countries with low potential of visibility on the international market. Conclusion: individualisation and extraversion within the global network Universities and research institutes are public institutions in Nigeria, and their researchers are civil servants. The worldwide rise of private institutions, predicted by experts as a consequence of the introduction of liberal reforms (Quddus & Rashid, 2000), is long to come in Nigeria , and the few existing private universities are yet to show any interest in research activities. What I have tried to show here is that the privatisation of research and teaching activities in Nigeria occurs mainly within the institutions that gave birth to them. This seems to reflect what Batrice Hibou sees more generally as concomitant processes of diffusion of private intermediates solutions for a growing number of functions formerly assumed by the State, and of redeployment of the latter "(Hibou, 1999:13). The disintegration of the academic community and the individualisation of scientific practices and trajectories shed more light on this phenomenon: in the absence of national public investments, research institutes and departments appear more as catalogues of individual competences than as catalysts capable of producing collective expertise. Strategies of access to the international research market the only guarantee of both statutory and social recognition - tend to be elaborated individually and to depend exclusively on personal contacts with researchers and institutions of this market. Universities controlled by the States within the Federation, established in the early 1980s, were the first in Nigeria to disappear from the research scene as a result of financial constraints, and operate today as second-class teaching institutions with the exception of one or two. Cut off from international networks, scholars from these universities were forced to seek individually for alternative resources, or to withdraw from all research activity. This de-professionnalisation process seems to apply today to the majority of Nigerian lecturers, increasingly identified in the Higher Education field by their sole teaching activity. Opposed to this is the situation of the researcher linked to a network that enables him to keep up with some personal research activity, privately or externally sponsored, using his public institutions facilities when available. At the cutting edge of communication technologies, such a researcher only shares with the first group the objective of perpetuating in the Nigerian society the image of a university community standing undivided. Broadly, the marginalisation of the Nigerian research seems to gain ground when evaluated upon scientific publications, which clearly confirms that in a developing country like Nigeria, market forces cannot be relied upon for creating a national-based research capacity. However, accounts and from our set of interviews clearly indicate the persistence of an informal but real research activity in derelict public universities and institutes, which could quickly be reinstitutionnalised, should a climate of scientific culture be promoted. The current informalisation of university research in Nigeria occurs under a wider process of transformation of the academic profession largely geared by of the mutation of international aid. The latter has deeply disrupted the cost, investigation methods, and language of scientific works by instituting research and consultancy as part of its co-operation programs (Mkandawire, 1998). In a weakly institutionalised scientific environment, the process also destabilised statutory hierarchies, by assuring faster social promotion to the researchers involved, irrespective of their academic rank. Finally, it generated some frustration and mistrust amidst top official research administrators, ruled out of both the negotiation of contracts and the dissemination of findings. This tendency, observed at various degrees in most developing countries reveals a major contradiction of the so-called globalisation of the movement of knowledge. Works produced in the context described in this article tend to receive little or no recognition, while recognition is precisely considered by scientists as the major reward for scientific performance (Schott, 1998: 132). This is due to the fact that in a deprived institutional environment, the "normal" home of both knowledge production and dissemination appears to lie outside the university. In Europe and North America, this would be perceived as a feature of the on-going shift towards the more applications-oriented `mode 2, but where the private industry is not in position to second the state, globalisation of science is likely to rhyme with isolation, marginalisation and deskilling until universities and research institutes are resurrected and professionally operationalised and research works produced for multi- and bi lateral cooperation agencies are disseminated and offered academic recognition. References Amuwo, K. (2000), The Discourse of Political Elites on Higher Education in Nigeria, in Lebeau Y. & M. Ogunsanya, The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB, pp. 1-26. Arvantis R, R. Waast & J. Gaillard (2000), Science in Africa: A Bibliometric Panorama Using PASCAL Database, Scientometrics, Vol. 47, No. 3, pp. 467-473. Banya K., & Elu J. (2001), The World Bank and financing higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa, Higher education 42, pp. 1-34. Becher, T & Trowler P.R. (2001), Academic tribes and Territories. Intellectual enquiry and the culture of disciplines, Second Edition, Buckingham, SRHE and Open University Press. T. Callaghy T, R. Kassimir, & R. Latham (2001) Intervention and Transnationalism in Africa. Global-Local Networks of Power Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chatelin Y, J. Gaillard & A.S. Keller (1997), The Nigerian Scientific community: The Colossus with Feet of Clay, in Gaillard, J., V.V. Krishna & R. Waast (eds) (1997), Scientific Communities in the Developing Word, New Delhi, Sage Publications, pp. 129-154. Fafunwa, A. B. (1971), A History of Nigerian higher Education (1827-1969), Lagos, Macmillan. Gaillard, J., V.V. Krishna & R. Waast (eds) (1997), Scientific Communities in the Developing Word, New Delhi, Sage Publications. Hibou, B. (ed.) (1999), La privatisation des Etats, Paris, Karthala. Hudu, A. (2000), Working and Living Conditions of Academic Staff in Nigeria: Strategies for Survival at Ahmadu Bello University, in Lebeau Y. & M. Ogunsanya, The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB, pp. 209-240. Jega, A. M. (1994), Nigerian Academics Under Military Rule, Stockholm, University of Stockholm, Department of Political Science, report No. 1994:3. Krishna, V. V. (2001), Reflections on the changing status of academic science in India, International Social Science Journal, Vol. 53 Issue 168, pp. 231-246. Lebeau, Y. (1997), tudiants et campus du Nigeria : recompositions du champ universitaire et sociabilits tudiantes, Paris, Karthala. Lebeau, Y. & Ogunsanya M. (eds) (2000), The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB Mkandawire, T. (1995), "Three Generations of African scholars", CODESRIA Bulletin, 2, 1995. Mkandawire, T. (1998), Notes on Consultancy and Research in Africa, Copenhagen, Centre for Development Research, Working Paper 98.13. Niane, B. (1992), Le transnational signe dexcellence, Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 95, pp. 13-25. (1997), De la transnationalisation de llite sngalaise, communication au colloque LAfrique, les Etats-Unis et la France, Bordeaux, CEAN, 22-24mai. Nwauwa, A.O. (1997), Imperialism Academe and Nationalism. Britain and University Education for Africans, 1860-1960, London, Frank Cass. Okudu, S.J. (1983), The Ibadan Syndrome of Excellence and the Nigerian University System, in Twenty Years of University Education in Nigeria, Lagos, Nigerian University Commission, pp. 77-83. Oni B. (2000),  HYPERLINK "http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc" Capacity Building Effort and Brain Drain in Nigerian Universities  Background paper for The Regional Conference on Brain Drain and Capacity Building in Africa, Economic Commission for Africa Addis Ababa, 22 - 24 February 2000.  HYPERLINK "http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc" http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc (Accessed Jan 03). Onuora, L.I. (1997), HYPERLINK "nigeria.html"World Beat: Nigeria, Mercury Magazine (The astronomical Society of the Pacific), Vol. 26 No. 4. Quddus, M. & Rashid, S. (2000), The Worlwide Movement in Private Universities, American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 59, No. 3, pp. 485-515. Schott, T. (1991), The world Scientific Community: Globality and Globalisation. Minerva, 29, 440-62. (1998), "Ties between Center and Periphery in the Scientific World-System: Accumulation of Rewards, Dominance and Self-Reliance in the Center."  HYPERLINK "http://csf.colorado.edu/wsystems/jwsr.html" Journal of World-Systems Research 4: 112 - 144. Soyinka, W. (1994), Ibadan. The Penkelemes Years. A Memoir 1946-1965, Ibadan, Spectrum Books. Toma, J.D. (1997), Alternative Inquiry Paradigms, Faculty Cultures, and the Definition of Academic Lives, Journal of Higher Education, 68 (6), 679-702. Van den Berghe, P.L. (1973), Power and Privilege at an African University, London, Routledge. Zeleza, P. T. (2000), African Labor and Intellectual Migrations to the North: Building New Transatlantic Bridges,  HYPERLINK "http://www.afrst.uiuc.edu/SEMINAR/AfricanLabor.rtf. Accessed 20/11/2001" http://www.afrst.uiuc.edu/SEMINAR/AfricanLabor.rtf. (Accessed 20/11/2001). Appendix 1: Nigerian public universities InstitutionLocationFoundedOwnershipFacultySt. enrolmentAbia State U.Uturu1983State Gov40015,389 (1999)Abubakar Tafawa Balewa U.Bauchi, Bauchi state1988Federal Gov2604000 (1999)Ahmadu Bello U.Zaria, Kaduna State1962Federal Gov206429,832 (1999)Bayero Kano U. Kano, Kano state1977Federal Gov45415,560 (1999)Benue State U.Makurdi1995State GovDelta State U. Abraka1990State GovEdo State U.Ekpoma1981State Gov43716,000 (1999)Enugu State U. of Technology Enugu1980State Gov2879,267Federal University of Technology, AkureAkure, Ondo State1981Federal Gov.2504225 (1999)Federal University of Technology, MinnaMinna, Niger state1983Federal Gov.2704318 (1999)Federal University of Technology, OwerriOwerri, Imo State1980Federal Gov.2354050 Federal University of Technology, yolaYola, Adamawa State1980Federal Gov.2043515 (1999)Imo state u. Owerri, Imo State1981State Gov.Kano state U. Kano1988State Gov.Ladoke Akintola U. of TechnologyOgbomoso1988State Gov.Lagos State U.Apapa, Lagos1983State Gov.2787800 (1999)Nigerian Defence AcademyKaduna1985Federal Gov.Nnamdi Azikiwe u. Awka, Anambra St.1995State Gov.Obafemi Awolowo U ILE-IFE, Osun State1961Federal Gov.1,327Ogun State U.Ago-Iwoye1982State Gov.2695800Ondo State U.Ado-Ekiti1982State Gov.2264686 (1999)Rivers State U. of science and tech.Port-Harcourt1980State Gov.456 10465University of AbujaAbuja1988Federal Gov.1505400University of Agric., AbeokutaOgun State1988Federal Gov.1583235University of agric., MakurdiBenue State1988Federal Gov.2242684University of agric., UmudikeUmahia, Abia State1988Federal Gov.University of BeninBenin, Edo State1970Federal Gov.69420660University of CalabarCross River State1975Federal Gov.52716,800University of IbadanIbadan, Oyo State1962Federal Gov.1,07720,434University of IlorinIlorin, Kwara State1975Federal Gov.45013,200University of JosJos, Plateau State1975Federal Gov.71113,408University of LagosAkoka, Lagos1962Federal Gov.67523,309U. of MaiduguriMaiduguri, Borno St.1975Federal Gov.63010,000University of NigeriaNsukka, Enugu State1960Federal Gov.1,05122,328U. of Port-HarcourtPort-H. Rivers State1975Federal Gov.49311,294University of UyoUyo, Aka-Ibom State1983Federal Gov.52215, 882Usman Danfodio UniversitySokoto, Sokoto State1975Federal Gov.3718,944First and second generation Universities (established in the 1960s and 1970s respectively) award master and Ph.D. degrees. First and some second generation Universities offer Post-doctoral programs. Source: Culled from the Universities Matriculation Examination Brochure, 2000-2001.+ The World Book of Learning: Nigeria, Universities and Polytechnic Colleges 1999 + The National University Commission: List of Nigerian Universities. 1999 + 2000 A. D. National University Commission Calendar + The U.S. Embassy Public Affairs Sections (Feb 2002). Appendix 2: The Federal Ministry of Science and Technology 1- Organisational structure  Source: Federal Ministry of science and Technology2001,  HYPERLINK "http://www.fmst.gov.ng/" http://www.fmst.gov.ng/ 2 Historical development The birth of the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology (FMST) began as far back as 1966 with the promulgation of the first Science and Technology Policy. The first Science and Technology Policy led to the establishment of the Nigerian Council for Science and Technology (NCST). One of the primary mandates of the NCST was to "Encourage, support and co-ordinate scientific and industrial research of all kinds." In the late 1970s, the NCST was transformed into the National Science and Technology Development Agency (NSTDA). The Ministry of Science and Technology was created in 1979. According to the FMST's 1986 National Policy, the Ministry was to "co-ordinate and undertake scientific and technology research and development." This included both inward and outward looking efforts such as "integrating foreign technology into our culture; upgrading indigenous technology; promotion of international co-operation in Science and Technology." The ministry was replaced and re-created several times between 1984 and 1992. The following 13 national research institutes are located within the ambit of the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology while another fifteen are located in the Federal Ministry of agriculture. Federal College of Chemical & Leather Technology (CHELTECH) Engineering Material Development Institute (EMDI) Federal Institute of Industrial Research, Oshodi (FIIRO) Hydraulic Equipment Development Institute (HEDI) National Research Institute for Chemical Technology (NARICT) Nigerian Building & Road Research Institute (NBRRI, 1980) Nigerian Institute of Medical Research (NIMR) National Institute for Pharmaceutical Research & Development (NIPRD) Nigerian Institute for Trypanosomias Research (NITR) Project Development Institute. development of machinery and equipment in relation to the use of steel, other metals, ceramics and glass. (PRODA, 1970) Scientific Equipment Development Institutes (DEDI) Sheda Science & Technology Complex (SHESTCO). Science village established in 1993. United Nations African Regional Centre for Space Science & Technology Education (UNARCSSTE)  Research Fellow, Centre for Higher Education Research and Information, The Open University, London. Contact: y.lebeau@open.ac.uk This paper is based on the findings of two research programmes carried out in Nigeria by the French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA-Ibadan) between 1997 and 2000. The first one (the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-Saharan Africa) provided a comparative framework for the study of on-going transformations in African universities, particularly in Nigeria (see Lebeau and Ogunsanya, 2000). The second, focusing on the scientific community and research institutions, was part of a continent-wide study on the State of Science, supervised by Roland Waast and Jacques Gaillard of IRD (Institut de Recherche pour le Dveloppement, Paris). Interviews cited in this paper are part of a forty-five professional biographies corpus collected in Nigeria between February and September 2000 by the author and his associates (Dr Omar Massoud of Ahmadu Bello University and Dr Ifeanyi Onyeonoru of the University of Ibadan) for the State of Science project.  The country currently supports 43 universities (11 state universities, 3 recently approved private universities, and 29 federal universities including three agricultural universities, one military university, and 4 inter-university centres), 27 Polytechnics, and 28 National Research institutes (13 under the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology and 15 located in the Federal Ministry of agriculture).  Research in Nigeria, like in most British tropical territories, was carried out by British scientists (principally in tropical medicine and agriculture) to find solutions to the problems faced by the settlers (Chatelin et. al, 1997).  There were six universities in 1970.  In the early 1980s in Francophone and Anglophone Africa, civil servants salaries averaged 9.6 times and 4.6 times per capita income respectively, while in Asia the multiple was 2.9 and in Latin America 3.1 ( see Banya and Elu, 2001)  Brigadier General Adebayo (1969), military governor of the western region under Gowon administration, quoted in Amuwo, 2000p. 3.  Dated 17 November 1995. Quoted in Amuwo, Op. cit.  A popular reference to the effects of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)  The academy of Bordeaux for Dakar and the University of London for Ibadan.  On the competition for extraterritorial references and symbols among Senegalese higher institutions, Boubacar Niane uses the term transnationalisation, which, "as a process of transcending nation states, and of emergence of Supra values might better reflects the current situation. These new postures , quite profitable in a totally reshaped field, are strongly encouraged, not to say imposed, by a last instance made of transnational organisations such as the UN systemwhereas internationalisation suggests exchanges, reciprocal influences, and more generally a process of values integration that does not necessarily deny or erase national characteristics (Niane, 1997).  In a previous attempt at categorising African scholars attitudes along generations, Thandika Mkandawire (1995) portrayed three generations. The third one, being the current generation of young faculty trained locally in the crisis days, is by far (in the case of Nigeria at least) less connected and less extraverted than the two previous ones. I have therefore made the choice not to depict its international strategies in this paper.  University of Ibadan (UI); University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN); University of Lagos (UNILAG), Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria (ABU); or Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife (OAU).  Interview with Mrs. O, department of Plant science and biotechnology of a Federal university. June 2000  Although the few existing private existing institutions and the joint ventures operated by public universities and private consultancy services, are massively recruiting on part-time basis among the academic staff, none of our interviewees has declared having ever considered the possibility of joining the private sector in Nigeria  The total number of lecturers in the Nigerian universities was 12,977 in 1992. This total number declined to 12,064 in 1995. In other words, a total of 883 lecturers left the universities between 1992 and 1995 (Oni, 2000).  One, of course, thinks of Ghanaian lecturers, seen teaching in Nigerian secondary schools in the early 1980s.  Selected in most cases on the basis of their repeated appearance in international citation indexes.  According to Avantis et. al. (2000), Nigeria has lost half of its scientific published output in five years. 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ࡱ> U@ bjbj 4e@N\\\pP08Ѓ|0'<p$RG  0 Vf^0'OO00&O6T 00$>TFD=(00TFLebeau, Y (2003) Extraversion Strategies within a Peripheral Research Community. Nigerian Scientists Responses to the State and Changing Patterns of International Science and Development Cooperation, Science, Technology and Society 8 (2), 185-213. Final draft: Accepted Feb 2003 Extraversion Strategies within a Peripheral Research Community. Nigerian Scientists Responses to the State and Changing Patterns of International Science and Development Cooperation Yann Lebeau Abstract Labelled giant of Africa in the 1970s on account of its promising human and natural resources, Nigeria entered in the early 1980s in an unprecedented period of recession following the domination of corruption over government operations, the fall of the oil market price, and the introduction of a structural adjustment programme in 1986. Despite its potential wealth, Nigeria is ranked today as part of the worlds 30 least developed countries This has, of course, had severe repercussions on institutions of higher learning and the scientific community through the twin effects of the deterioration of the working conditions and that of the purchasing power of academic staff. However, our study, based on visits in nine of the most prestigious research institutions and interviews with forty-five scientists working there , reveals that, contrary to all expectations, research has not died. It has rather been transformed, in various ways, along the survival strategies evolved by the scientists and the needs of the international community. Education and research are among the symbols usually referred to, to symbolise the continuity of the State presence. In most African countries, the development of schools (from primary to tertiary level) and that of research institutes witnessed a spectacular boom within the two decades that followed independences. As engines of development, education and research were expected to guaranty the independence of the newly created States vis vis their former Metropoles, and to strengthen their position in the international competition. In many countries, the change of course of the 1980s, marked by a withdrawal of the state (imposed or negotiated) from the economic sphere now supposedly regulated solely by the market forces, provoked a transformation of the function traditionally ascribed to education and knowledge, without systematic transfer of the sectors sovereignty from the public to the private sector. The case of Nigeria, highlighted in this paper, is in many respects exemplary. The continuous growth of the oil rent came to sudden end in the early 1980s, resulting in a severe cutback in public resources. The regulatory functions of the state were badly affected by the combination of this unfavourable economic conjuncture with the constant political instability the country is submitted to since independence (Osaghae, 1998: 342). Scientific research for instance, developed and pampered by the British in their West African territories long before the establishment of the university of Ibadan in 1948, and boosted by the proliferation of universities that accompanied the political dynamic of the post-independence era, got literally stoned by the state of dereliction of Nigeria's public sector from the 1980s. Sudden and drastic budgetary reduction affected the social status of Nigerian scientists in two ways: Firstly through a slump in their purchasing power and hence that of their standard of living, and secondly through the marginalisation of Nigerias research output by interruption of State support to and interest in the development of science and knowledge promotion. In addition, the international scientific environment, to which Nigerian academics have always been closely linked, has changed tremendously, with new patterns of North/South co-operation emerging, and with a general movement towards a transdisciplinary socially distributed mode of knowledge production (Ronayne, 1997) generating new non-academic expectations, new forms of scientific legitimisation, and, at the same time, a loss of the exceptional status and individual autonomy of HE (Becher and Trowler, 2001: 6). In Africa particularly, new scientific skills (the consultancy industry) emerged and gradually introduced new modes and norms of knowledge production with the rise of policy-related aid (Mkandawire, 1998). This situation generated different types of individual and collective reactions and strategies amidst the Nigerian scientific community that this paper seeks to examine. In spite of a fifteen year outflow of high skilled professionals that destabilised most of the national research institutes and universities, Nigeria continues to represent sizeable share of the African scientific production (Chatelin et. al., 1997), through mechanisms that indicate a tendency towards a fragmentation of the scientific community. Scientific foundation and myth building: the Nigerian academic community in perspective A brief history of science: National research institutes and universities To understand the development of scientific institutions in Nigeria, one must bear in mind that it followed two distinct lines. On one hand, research was meant to take advantage of the colonial potential and was therefore developed in the form of experimental stations linked with research institutes in Britain. On the other hand, higher education, developed much later in response to the nationalists pressure, witnessed a more autonomous research activity in terms of linkages and outputs. In the pre-independence era, the first higher institution for the production of S&T manpower was the Yaba higher college, established in 1932 for the purpose of producing assistant medical officers, assistant agricultural officers, assistant surveyors and assistant education officers. For as long as Yaba remained a sub-degree level institution, its products remained assistants to the expatriate officers. Post world war agitation by the nationalists led to the establishment of the University College, Ibadan in 1948. Amongst others, it offered degree courses in the basic science and agriculture, and pre-clinical courses in medicine. But the oldest experimental stations had been in existence for long, to boost production in those aspects of the economy that were export-oriented. The oldest agricultural experimental station in Nigeria was established in 1899, and the Geological Survey Department in 1919. Of the 11 research institutes that existed in 1960, ten were agricultural. The number of institutes jumped to twenty-two in 1983, with eighteen of them again catering for agricultural research. After independence, both research institutes and University-based laboratories were paid great attention. While institutes were clearly established in line with the developmentalist ideology, the creation of universities followed the political elites strategies to benefit from the national cake. In other words, universities were politically supported for their capacity to strengthen the high-skilled regional elites, while their research activities were left apart, and developed in directions that had to do more with the international scientific affiliation of the scholars or the donors interests, than with the needs of the federation or the 1964 UNESCO recommendations. A step towards a more interventionist policy came with the setting up by the military junta (1977) of the National Science and Technology Development Agency. At the same time, a quota system in favour of scientific disciplines was introduced in the university admission system (60:40 ratio). In 1979, the newly-elected civilian government went a step further with the creation of the ministry of Science and Technology, but the expected increase of the countrys S&T activities did not occur due to the lack of willingness of the political elites. The new ministry was allocated 0.85% of the budget for the 4th National Development Plan (1980-85), which was probably just sufficient to meet its administrative overheads. As a result, scientific laboratories in secondary schools remained scarce and poorly equipped, and scientific disciplines at the higher were never able to attract more than 30 per cent of the student enrolment, thus showing the failure of the ratio policy. In the mid-1980s, Nigerias scientific landscape was made of about thirty federal or others state owned universities, and of twntety-two federal research institutes. While the first were polyvalent by tradition (except for the universities of technology), the latter remained dominantly oriented towards the use of the natural resources found in Nigeria. The reinforcement of the state authoritarianism under Babangida amd Abachas military administration (1985-1998), coupled with a sudden state resources reduction led to a serious crisis in research and higher education and left universities and research institutes in a state of dispair on which a lot has been written. The relative strength of the Nigerian scientific community allowed the universities to continue, for a while, to be active in research both at local and international level. Institutes, which were more application oriented and therefore hanged to the wills of their authorities, were immediately affected by the state disengagement. It is admitted that they currently account for less than 15 per cent of the total Nigerian research output. For all these reasons, our study paid more attention to the academic community (where Nigerians most active researchers are) which does not mean that institutes scientists do not see themselves as part of the same scientific community. Although less visible locally and internationally, they tend to develop similar individual strategies to thwart the effects of the States withdrawal, and have played an equally active role in the establishment of scientific networks, societies and journals in the consolidation era of 1960s. The process of institutionalisation of academic science An educated African elite, trained either in Britain or in the U.S., has been existing in British West Africa right from the second half of the ninetieth century. It is within this population that emerged the ideas and demands leading to the creation of higher institutions in 1948 (Nwauwa, 1997). However, prior to the 1960s, there was no scientific community in Nigeria, as defined by Thomas Schott, where the scientists perform their research in the framework of national institutional arrangements for research such as universities with similar patterns, the same national associations and journals, supported by the same national foundations and the same bodies which set the national science policies; thus, they perform their research within a common institutional and intellectual setting (1991: 42) It is not that the British had no interest in developing scientific research in their West African territories, but the establishment of universities only became a matter of high policy in the late 1930s under pressures from all parts. Prior to this, educational institutions had always been set to create suitable candidates for middle-level positions which colonialism might permit Africans to hold (Nwauwa, 1996: 53), while in the few existing research institutes, research positions were filled by Europeans, mostly British. The national scientific community gradually took form in the 1960s, that is to say twenty years after the establishment of the first university in Ibadan, with the professionnalisation of science through the development of doctoral programmes (which were not implemented by the British), the emergence of local scientific journals, and with the introduction of fairly uniform practices in the academic staffs recruitment, salary scales, inducements and promotion, and the setting up of a National Universities Commission. All this contributed to institutionalise locally the status of the Nigerian academics and to keep up the illusion of a national scientific community, although 100 per cent of the scholars had done their research training abroad in various institutional environments, and despite the fact that the academic staff was still dominantly non-Nigerian in places like Ibadan and Zaria up to the mid-1960s (Fafunwa, 1971). Schotts conception of a scientific community implies the idea of a sedimentation process which never occurred in Nigeria. Contrary to India where conditions for the development of a culture of science were gradually imposed on the colonial administration by local researchers (Krishna, 2001), the community grew in fits and starts along international research networks and later on along sectional interests. The political dynamic of independence contributed to the institutionalisation of a scientific community that was already highly integrated at the international level in the global network of ties that forms, according to Schott, the global community (Schott, 1998). Moreover, the Nigerian scientific community has hardly ever been governed or influenced by national socio-economic objectives and cannot be referred to as a professional group before the late 1970s. The post-colonial states heavy investments for the creation of research units and laboratories, the invitation of world-class scientists to strengthen newborn departments and the continuous competition among international foundations to assist the scientific development of this high-potential-oil-based economy, rapidly led to the constitution of excellence centres, capable of being part of the world effort of science, but totally disconnected from their countys needs. Inter-institutional cooperation, linkages with outside interests and the building of a social demand, generally seen as features underlying the movement towards the professionalization of a scientific community (Gaillard et al., 1997: 21) remained in an embryonic state in Nigeria in spite of substantial research outputs. The lack of effectiveness of science and technology policies and the legacy of an all externally oriented model of academic promotion are generally presented as the major factors having accounted for this state of things: In the booming economy of the1970s, when much emphasis was placed on the provision of basic infrastructure, abundant food supply, the government neglected its science policy and failed to provide for the integration of local science and technology base (Obiaga, 1992). At the same time, the structure of incentives and rewards in universities (which account for 75% of the national research output), mainly based on publication outputs, generated poor recognition, if not disdain, from scientists; for local implementation of research results (Chatelin et al., 1997: 147) . If not as a scientific community, Nigerian academics were well established as a corporation right from the early 1970s. Patronised by the government as most civil servants were, their standard of living was then by comparison much higher than that of their European counterparts, and their salaries set (as in most sub-Saharan countries) at levels well above per capita incomes. Researchers maintained close international ties (usually built up during their postgraduate studies) through regular conference trips and study leaves, and through daily contacts with worldwide reputed visiting scholars who were regarding Nigerian universities as a stepping- stone in their career and were attracted by expatriate allowances (Van den Berghe, 1973). The University thus offered an international visage, highly valorised among the growing urban educated strata, and its academics willingly exhibited the signs of their material wealth (Van den Berghe, 1973). Their common status tended to fade the actual inequalities between researchers, reflecting that of their institutions in terms of reputation and of research facilities. Also, the adoption by all federal universities (including the seven sisters established from 1975) of a residential policy strengthened the picture of a shared culture, by imposing a common ecology (a physical and emotional environment) and climate (a set of perceptions towards the organisation of the institution) to all academics (Toma, 1997). Under such conditions, an apparently homogeneous mode of living surfaced to relay a corporate spirit and strong political engagement expressed and nurtured by a powerful and inflexible Union. An ambiguous relationship with the ruling elite The academic staff union federates local teaching and researching staff unions since 1965, and symbolises since 1978 (creation of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU) the resistance of a whole profession to the most authoritarian regimes. Representing the entire Nigerian academic personnel, ASUU remains a myth although professional practices have undergone profound changes and tend to be more and more individualized, and even if locally, a growing number of lecturers tend to ignore the actions of the union. One of the few unions capable of surviving the systematic dismantling of opposition organizations orchestrated by the military power from the 1980s, ASUU took the lead of the opposition against the anti-intellectual attitude of the military, and arguably secured the continued existence of the profession, even when the economic hardship prompted individual survival strategies that sidestepped unwritten academic codes of conduct: The Nigerian experience suggests that although academics are more likely in the short-term to resort to individualistic survival strategies to cope with the impact of intense economic crisis and structural adjustment, in the long-term, they would tend to rely more on collective strategies through organized union struggles. While doing so, however, their struggles would tend to be radicalized, focusing not only on bread and butter issuesbut also, quite significantly, on broad issues relating to the democratization process and contestation of authoritarian power of the state. (Jega, 1994: 66). From the 1980s, hardened and more politicised Union struggles offered a new visage of the university community - that of an opposition sphere to the abuses of the ruling class. The military power and the leaders of ASUU thus contributed through their conflicts, to reinforce the communitarian symbolism attached to the university. The uneasy relationship of the university community, represented by its union, with the political elite in power is not a new phenomenon that one could for instance associate with the sole process of exacerbation of state authoritarianism under the regime of the late General Abacha. Right from the early days of independence (1960), every creation of university, every appointment of university vice chancellor induced politics and political interference in academic matters (Amuwo, 2000: 2). The University was then a major political stake. The control of the formation of the Nigerian elite, it was thought, required that of the institutions were the elite is being shaped. Colossal investments on universities principally followed geo-political considerations (the leaders of the main political parties representing more or less the interests of the three dominant ethno-regional entities), but also to the fact that, in a country where 80% of the adult population was illiterate, academics represented, an influential group within the educated minority. All the more influential, that a number of academics of the 1960s had been the classmates of future Nigerian political leaders, while studying in England or in the United States. P. Van den Berghe (1973: 55) highlighted the central role played by universities in strengthening informal sectional solidarity networks among the elites. He portrayed the University of Ibadan (at the heart of the western region) as the Mecca of the Yoruba intelligentsia where the Yoruba members of the university staff naturally have many ties to other people in the region, most particularly with other sectors of the elite in the professions, the civil service, and more recently, the army. The creation of the universities of Nsukka (1960) and of Zaria (1962), placed respectively under the authority the Northern and Eastern regions, reinforced the regionalisation of solidarity linkages between university and political elites, and stimulated the withdrawal of the academics into their university. There they found themselves at the heart of internal political strife within their region, as in Ibadan in 1965 (Soyinka, 1994), or endured the marginalisation, indeed the ostracism, that their region underwent (the University of Nsukka and the Igboland after the Biafra war). The first military regimes (from 1966) did not attempt to oppose the particular status of academics: the "Nigerianisation" of universities was far from completion and the country was facing a critical shortage of administrative, scientific and technical manpower. Any threat to the socio-economic enviable position of the academics, or to the autonomy of their institution would jeopardise the efforts deployed to retain them from the international market on which they had been hired. A careful choice of words was therefore required in official addresses about higher education: I am aware that there are certain rights and certain universal functions that are the preserves of all reputable institutions of higher learning. I am also conscious of the fact that a great university can only emerge in an atmosphere in which the teacher is secure in his tenure and is free to push forward the frontiers of knowledge through unfettered teaching and research 30 years later, the tone is radically different, when the Head of State (general Sani Abacha) alludes to a six-month university staff strike: Dissipation of energy in pursuit of personal gains or unnecessary union activities tantamount to misplaced priorities and contribute to lowering of standards of education. The recent dissipation of so much energy in campus politics by staff instead of devoting time to the primary duty of teaching is of growing concern to government. Kunle Amuwo (2000) sees the change of tone between the two speeches as revelatory of a transformation of the mission assigned to the university (no more reference to research function in Abachas words) and to the repressive drift of the military juntas in power during the 1980s and 1990s. The academic community had then, according to Amuwo, become the only effective counter power, when assassination and imprisonment turned to be the only responses of the government to the claims of the civil society. The interpretation of a solid community opposing the assaults of the regime through its uncompromised union is shared by a number of authors (Gana, 1993 ; Jega, 1994). The real breach between the two worlds seems to have occurred when the military started perceiving the academic elite as a threat to their monopoly of patriotic language. It also probably reflects the process of deterioration of public institutions during the period, and the consecutive social relegation of their employees. The return of a democratically regime in 1999 does not seem to have had much direct impact on the social position of the academic community while universities lost their status of "protected spaces" and are no longer seen as spearheads of the struggle for social justice and civil liberties. From communal front to fragmented strategies On the whole, the university and scientific communities in Nigeria, have been more affected by twenty years of deliberate marginalisation and isolation than from the direct confrontation with the military power (Lebeau, 1996: 65). Their social status and working environment have been transformed to a point that they can hardly be depicted as a "community" anymore. Marginalisation and destabilization threw the universities and research institutes in a kind of "instable adjustment", described in by B. Niane (2000) as typical of the emergence of an informal field dominated by extraverted and individual strategies. Although the State never seemed to pursue any proper research and development strategy, it followed for about 20 years the general recommendations of UNESCO on one hand, and the dynamic set one in motion in Nigerian universities by external foundations on the other hand. Ford, Rockefeller, Nuffield and Carnegie invested heavily in the universities, either directly (construction of laboratories, libraries), or indirectly by funding doctoral scholarship programmes, fieldwork, research trips abroad, and visits of expatriate scientists and lecturers (Fafunwa, 1971). These foundations practically took over the evaluation of the Nigerias scientific output from the University of London, and boosted the countrys position on the international scientific market. Nigerian academic research did not, however, fall ipso facto into a new form of dependency: national scientific associations and their local branches, journals, public and private publishers, formed, right from the late 1960s an incomparable network in sub-Saharan Africa, by its dynamism and its geographical coverage. Nevertheless, scientific norms and references remained external, and the link between research and development always suffered from a deficit of political will, and from weak industrial development. The disconnection took a dramatic turn under the financial constraints of the 1980s-90s. The once criticised reclusion of the scientists in their ivory towers and citadels of learning, worsened with the crisis making all public institutions permeable to the destabilising influences of their SAPed environment. When public funding sources dried up, most active researchers (externally sponsored in most cases) stopped promoting their research in national events and publications while the institutions' authorities themselves tried to maintain their standard and reputation by excluding local publications and communications from their recruitment and promotion requirements. The financial crisis in which universities find themselves in 2002 is so deep that researchers, notably the most experienced and connected ones, do not even consider public monies anymore in the funding of their work. This is one of the major outcomes of the narratives collected as part of our study: the Nigerian State is seen by all as having abandoned higher education and research, to the point that existing funding schemes are not even known to everyone. The following extract of a February 2000 interview with a professor from the University of Ibadan (biochemistry) reflects this spectacular shift in the State/academic community relationship. Even though they have never been the main financial source and commissioner of scientific research, the Nigerian State and the ruling class are held responsible for the current gloominess and for the ambient individualism at the heart of research activities in the laboratories and departments: I think in Nigeria weve not been so lucky to have enlightened leaders. Our politicians in general have not been very educated and they dont understand that research is important... It is a different thing in Europe: The lawyer who becomes the president or the Prime Minister may not understand the details of research, but he understands that this is a culture that has to be developed and that somehow it is going to help in the development of the whole country. That is the understanding that our leaders in Nigeria have not got. They believe in importing what other people have already done. They dont understand they can also do research and do something that will be helpful to the country(). In the olden days when we had equipment and everything was working, we use to have research teams; People working together, publishing together. But as things became tougher; equipment started breaking down, people tended to withdraw to themselves for example some people know they cannot do research here anymore, it is impossible so their only hope is to go out from here to another country where they can occasionally do some research. Other people like me, who can still do something here but of course with funding from outside, dont want to go External norms, local promotion and career strategies The concept of extraversion, applied by political scientists (particularly Jean Francois Bayart) to the study of leaders' attitudes in post colonial African Sates bound in transboundary formations, helps in many respects to capture the individual and collective strategies of the Nigerian academic community. Thomas Callaghy, Ronald Kassimir and Robert Latham (2001) recently showed how, over the course of the post-colonial period, "extraversion strategies have increasingly spread to non-state actors and social movements" and associated the phenomenon to "a conjuncture where processes of state decline occur at the same time that international organisations and NGOs assert or respond to perceived new needs in Africa that at they claim they can do something about". In the case of Nigerian academics however, extraversion strategies are motivated by multiple reasons, some related to the condition under which science and education were instituted in the country, and others the above referred unfavourable conjuncture, and to the strong centre/periphery inclination of the scientific international community The point systematically made by the elders among our interviewees about the necessity of an international recognition shows that the "publish or perish culture" introduced with the system has tended to encourage extraverted individual strategies: No career within the university without an international recognition seems to have been the rule whatever the economic and political context. With assessment and promotion being exclusively built upon international criteria, a Nigerian scholar without international connection would stagnate at the inferior ladders of the academic hierarchy. However, the orientation of the international demand, and consequently the positioning of Nigerian researchers on the market are changing. Particularly, we have been witnessing since the mid-eighties a progressive interference of international standards in local unpublished and academically unrecognised research works, such as those commissioned by foreign foundations and NGOs. While this tendency might be revealing a global tendency towards "demands for greater social and economic relevance in research" (Becher and Trowler, 2001) and a shift towards new modes of knowledge production, it confirms the unfailing supremacy, since the establishment of Ibadan in 1948, of international references, over scientific careers and outputs in Nigeria. Excellence as a necessarily exogenous value Todays most reputed research and teaching institutions in Africa were in most cases established by the European colonial powers. The universities of Dakar and Ibadan for example remained, after independence, attached to the institutions that guaranteed the equivalence of their certificates, and beyond, the international recognition of their academic personnel. I have already evoked the militancy of the educated elite" in favour of an internationally recognised higher institution in Nigeria. This concern for excellence, shared (though not for the same purpose) by the colonised and the colonisers, remained, ten years after independence, a kind of obsession among scholars in Ibadan. Pierrre Van den Berghe noted it in his detailed monograph on the university community : Whatever the reasons, the Nigerian scholar sees himself very much in the context of world scholarship. The university as a whole is extremely conscious of its international standing, and this appears with great regularity in official addresses of vice-Chancellors. Similarly, to the individual scholar, his discipline and his professional association are very important reference groups. The achievement of international scholarly status is perhaps the most important criterion of prestige within U.I., superceding even successful academic politics as an avenue of promotion. (Van den Berghe, 1973: 64). The Nigerian higher education landscape has been dramatically transformed in Nigeria since the days of Van den Berghes observation. However, discourses by successive Vice-chancellors of U.I have consistently revolved around the idea that excellence and the past prestigious position of Ibadan on the international scene should be recovered through hard work and by fighting against the egalitarian state measures adopted in the 1970s to widen access to higher education (Lebeau, 1997; Okudu, 1983). Excellence as a norm of scientific work and as a mark of social distinction has therefore neither disappeared with the noticeable withdraw of Nigerian research output from international citation indexes from the mid 1980s, nor with the collapse of the social status of academics. On the contrary, in an impoverished but increasingly competing environment, the transnational reference remains for all researchers, as it does for their institutions (Niane, 1992 and 1997) , the only remaining means of distinction. In the 1970s, such a conservative stand placed the university community in an uneasy position vis a vis the developmentalist and nationalist tone of governmental discourses on education and research. Academics, including their trade-union representatives, having quickly realised that "excellence" could not rhyme with "national" as far as their career was concerned, departed from, and even opposed any measure aimed at questioning what actually grounded the principle of distinction between research teams and between institutions. Today, the international (or transnational) reference impacts in a more diffuse way within the institutions. Of his capacity to maintain links abroad depends the image and the authority of the scholar before his/her students, particularly when book purchases and journal subscriptions are suspended. Also, when monthly wages do not feed a family more than a week, only research grants and conference invitations abroad permit to continue to exhibit the external symbols of wealth and of international exposure formerly attached to academic status. The link abroad as a necessity to resist relegation The relationships of Nigerian researchers with the international community have been substantially affected by the economic and political instability. Roughly speaking, the context has evolved from a relation where international comes to Nigeria, often within the framework of academic linkages, or through foundations research programmes, to a situation where the researchers, relying on their established networks, preserve individually, and sometimes even secretly, their international relations. Two typical figures in the elaboration of such strategies can be drawn from the narratives collected during our study in Nigeria, reflecting two generations of active researchers. Our first figure, that of a professor (male or female) from a first generation federal university, refers to academics trained in Nigeria for their first degree and in Great Britain or the United States for their doctorate towards the end of the 1960s or early 1970s. Recruited by the university where he graduated, this researcher worked in Nigeria, in a material environment comparable with that of his European colleagues, without losing contact with the institution where he was trained as a researcher. His capacity to build on this capital (through conference trips, fellowships, joint publications) has largely determined his/her subsequent career at a time when precariousness had taken hold of Nigerian research institutions. By maintaining these contacts, he continues to travel, to have his research fieldwork in Nigeria sponsored externally (or sometimes from savings out of his conference per diem) and geared by the needs or the interests of his network. Professor I of the department of microbiology in X. matches all the characteristics of this first category: Trained at the university of Kent (Msc) and at Crownfield (PHD in specialist in Petroleum Microbiology), he orientated his research in the 1980s towards the study of environmental impact of oil activities. This strategic choice enabled him to continue to enjoy external assistance: I went once back to Crownfield on a UNESCO fellowship for 3 months. Even the 3 months were very resourceful and useful, because the 3 months in U.K is like 10 years in Nigeria. What you are going to achieve in 3 months you cannot compare it to what you are going to do here because the facilities are there, chemicals are available, electricity supply is uninterrupted anything that you need to carry out research is available and to finger-tips, that you cannot do here you cannot plan because the basic for research infrastructures for research is lacking." Beyond their material benefits, these repeated stays abroad contributed to strengthen his research position locally and his authority over the training of newcomers in the field: "I sent a PHD student to go and work in Kent for 3 months, so what he did in Kent was what actually enhanced his PHD work because he had access to electron microscope, to equipment that we don't have around even in Nigeria. Then I sent another student to Israel, to the University of Tel-Aviv who also had the same opportunity Also trained in Nigeria to the postgraduate level, and then either abroad or at home (often supervised by an expatriate professor) for his PHD, our second type reflects the experience of most senior lecturers of the first and second generation universities, and of senior research fellows of the national institutes. This type was much more difficult to portray, even at sweeping strokes, given the heterogeneity of trajectories and experiences in this group. External links are much more diverse in this generation, and might in some cases be non-existent. This population was also the most affected by the brain drain of the late 1980s and early 1990s. External collaborations can take, as in the preceding case, the form of a centre/periphery academic relation (Schott, 1998), but appear less regular and are usually maintained at the scholars own expenses, as illustrated by the following testimony of an astronomer, now based abroad: At the University of Nigeria, far from any major city, communications are especially troublesome. The only certain method is to use courier services, which are prohibitively expensive. The cost of sending a manuscript abroad even by ordinary airmail, with a fairly low probability of actually getting there, is a significant fraction of researchers' salaries. When anyone travels abroad, he or she becomes a postman, carrying a hundred or more letters from colleagues to postThe underfunding of universities forces staff to bear all the costs of communications and publication personally, unless they have managed to obtain a research grant. For the same reason, computers are scarce. A few staff members have PCs, either owned privately or in a few cases obtained through external grants. Most people, however, have to buy time on PCs if they want to do any computing. Tight security is needed for any equipment, which further restricts its availability. (Onuora, 1997) Researchers of this second type also tend to establish occasional or regular links outside the academic milieu, thus devoting more and more time to studies and expertise for international organisations. Rarely published, these works hardly contribute to their career promotion, but ensure them the necessary incomes to pursue an academically rewarding research activity: I had to, on my own, go into private business, get some money to buy a P.C, you know, to even publish the materials I have. So you cannot say that the material are there and you are working. I had to go out on my own to seek for money and - - - now use it to plunge into research, which ought not to be. That is what we are saying, it ought not to be. I had to, on my own, go out to do consultancy. The money should be for my own private use and other things. It is not good for me to have to go out to get something to support my personal research. But that's how I cope and if I see something I have published, it makes me happy. You know why you sat down and did all that, you can moveyou know if we don't publish, we perish. In the social sciences, where international consultancy tends to emerge as the main scientific output, academic publications and conferences can in some cases be literally abandoned. The researcher then becomes an expert, with his socio-economic status enjoying a fast and sometimes spectacular rise therefore upsetting a social hierarchy supposed to reflect on campus that of academic promotion. However composite and in spite of the brain drain, this category is still by far the most influential of the academic community. It comprises these "young talents" (Jega 1994), who made the glorious days of the unionism from the 1980s to the years of terror of the Abacha regime, and provided the best brains of the ministerial kitchen cabinets since the 1999 political transition. Most academics do not fall into any of the two categories portrayed above. They constitute the mass of lecturers who have no international academic connection whatsoever. Entirely educated in the country in the 1980s, these researchers were recruited at the time when public funds once devoted to the mobility of researchers, the purchase of scientific literature and the organisation of conferences, found other priorities. They work in remote and materially deprived universities, established far from the vibrant poles of the Nigerian economic and political. Rarely snowed under with local demand, these disconnected scholars have neither access to international consultancy opportunities, nor to scientific information, and therefore hardly resort to academically rewarding activities to compensate their meagre salary (Hudu, 2000). The constrained alternative of scientific migration In the early 1990s, the future of Nigerian research institutions appears gloomy, and the announced proliferation of private institutions which seems long to come, is not perceived by renown scholars as a long term alternative. It is in this context and among the best connected categories of researchers, that were massively recruited the Nigerian brains, leading to a dramatic drop in a few years of the Nigerian research potential at the senior and professorial levels. However, contrary to an established opinion, the decision to leave or to stay -- when such alternative was offered -- was certainly not an easy one to take. Its stakes varied according to disciplines, institutions, and according to the rank and fame of the researcher. The first to leave (as of the mid-1980s) were the few best known professors (medicine, social sciences, literature) who were offered, generally in North America, enviable tenured positions in research universities. Our first type could have been one of them. They were followed from the late 1980s, by a large number of younger colleagues, usually employed on less comfortable fixed-term contracts in far less reputed institutions of America, South Africa, Australia, Canada and of the Gulf countries. They form the lumpen professoriate that P. T. Zeleza (2000: 15) defines as a floating faculty excluded from the guilded privileges of tenure, or trapped, in the case of the United States, in third rate colleges or underfunded Historically Black Colleges and Universities. For this group, qualitative data on the migration process itself are unfortunately missing. Some scholars, having targeted teaching oriented institutions, disappeared totally from the international the research position they were previously occupying. Others lost their position in the international division of scientific work as a result of their migration itself. In the social sciences and in Medicine for instance, Nigerian scholars, whether at junior or senior ranks, have often been treated merely as witnesses or collectors all the more indispensable when the country (in the 1990s) was not considered conducive for fieldwork. Out of this context, some researchers lost their scientific value and disappeared from the international organisations expert lists and the Northern African studies networks they used to belong to. In the mid-1990s, Nigeria lay at the bottom end of the African university staff salary scale (Hudu, 2000). This led to another wave of migration, mainly from scholars of the third type, and dominantly within Africa, towards countries whose best brains used to fill Nigerias lowest academic positions. The exodus issue was raised in all our interviews. Our respondents all had to deal, at one point of their career, with that dilemma, and chosen to stay. Reasons vary from one to another, but few recurrent motivations can be identified. Professor G, from the most renowned department of Psychiatry in the country, explains on his way back from a sabbatical leave in Australia: I had a permanent job in Australia and I also was doing private practice. My income there was probably be times 200 of what I get here and I have a permanent resident permit there too. So if I want to go back tomorrow I just go and get a plane. The reason for coming back and for being around, sometimes it is a bit difficult to explain but I think for me it's probably got to do with what you might call relative impact.[]. I didn't go to psychiatry because I want to become a millionaire but I went in there because I had some particular interest, both clinical and research. And like I said I was very lucky in Australia where I did all the things that I probably should be doing in an environment like that. But when you look at it, just pulling me out of that system, the system is not going to rattle, while here I hope is it not a grandiose idea that one person, certainly myself or anyone else, will make more impact being here than elsewhere and that not just to the system but also for oneself (in an environment that not much is known). If you are bringing things for people to know and you are doing them in such a fairly standard way that people can relate to them tend to make more contribution than if you were just part of a large crowd of other people elsewhere. Professor S, from the Chemistry department of the same university: I am lucky that many of the people I worked with are very sympathetic in support of the course of development here. So, I saw myself as being backed up by a lot of development efforts. So, I am not isolated; these people kept me in fairly comfortable situation [] the motivation for staying is as a result of back up and that because my science has been part of international science I mean I benefited a lot from research support and that kept me. I mean I had grant report to write and things like that. However, even that drives you against hostile environment. I mean you do have a commitment to keep, you do have work, and then you see yourself ...competing with others. I think that to my mind it is a major achievement to be able to work in his type of environment. When opportunities abroad are numerous and external supports substantial, the choice to stay is fully integrated into a career strategy. Researchers can then call upon reasons such as the need to contribute from within to their countrys development or the worthwhile interest of their work and field, because they do not appear to be threatened in their position in spite of working conditions considered to be disastrous. Their research is undertaken with external funds for an external market, and the data analysis is very often done outside the university, either at home using private facilities or abroad on the occasion of sabbatical or study leaves. All things considered, it is a very similar strategy of integration on the international market which governs, for best known researchers, the choice to stay or to leave. For all the others, it is the capacity to seize an opportunity to flee, even temporarily, their deteriorated working conditions and socio-economic status which determines, in the current context, the progress of their career. The substantial salary increase (150%) negotiated in 1999 and 2000 with the government, puts Nigerian scholars on the average of wages perceived by their colleagues in sub-Saharan Africa. One could thus predict a curb in the migration rate, if not to the North, at least to countries with low potential of visibility on the international market. Conclusion: individualisation and extraversion within the global network Universities and research institutes are public institutions in Nigeria, and their researchers are civil servants. The worldwide rise of private institutions, predicted by experts as a consequence of the introduction of liberal reforms (Quddus & Rashid, 2000), is long to come in Nigeria , and the few existing private universities are yet to show any interest in research activities. What I have tried to show here is that the privatisation of research and teaching activities in Nigeria occurs mainly within the institutions that gave birth to them. This seems to reflect what Batrice Hibou sees more generally as concomitant processes of diffusion of private intermediates solutions for a growing number of functions formerly assumed by the State, and of redeployment of the latter "(Hibou, 1999:13). The disintegration of the academic community and the individualisation of scientific practices and trajectories shed more light on this phenomenon: in the absence of national public investments, research institutes and departments appear more as catalogues of individual competences than as catalysts capable of producing collective expertise. Strategies of access to the international research market the only guarantee of both statutory and social recognition - tend to be elaborated individually and to depend exclusively on personal contacts with researchers and institutions of this market. Universities controlled by the States within the Federation, established in the early 1980s, were the first in Nigeria to disappear from the research scene as a result of financial constraints, and operate today as second-class teaching institutions with the exception of one or two. Cut off from international networks, scholars from these universities were forced to seek individually for alternative resources, or to withdraw from all research activity. This de-professionnalisation process seems to apply today to the majority of Nigerian lecturers, increasingly identified in the Higher Education field by their sole teaching activity. Opposed to this is the situation of the researcher linked to a network that enables him to keep up with some personal research activity, privately or externally sponsored, using his public institutions facilities when available. At the cutting edge of communication technologies, such a researcher only shares with the first group the objective of perpetuating in the Nigerian society the image of a university community standing undivided. Broadly, the marginalisation of the Nigerian research seems to gain ground when evaluated upon scientific publications, which clearly confirms that in a developing country like Nigeria, market forces cannot be relied upon for creating a national-based research capacity. However, accounts and from our set of interviews clearly indicate the persistence of an informal but real research activity in derelict public universities and institutes, which could quickly be reinstitutionnalised, should a climate of scientific culture be promoted. The current informalisation of university research in Nigeria occurs under a wider process of transformation of the academic profession largely geared by of the mutation of international aid. The latter has deeply disrupted the cost, investigation methods, and language of scientific works by instituting research and consultancy as part of its co-operation programs (Mkandawire, 1998). In a weakly institutionalised scientific environment, the process also destabilised statutory hierarchies, by assuring faster social promotion to the researchers involved, irrespective of their academic rank. Finally, it generated some frustration and mistrust amidst top official research administrators, ruled out of both the negotiation of contracts and the dissemination of findings. This tendency, observed at various degrees in most developing countries reveals a major contradiction of the so-called globalisation of the movement of knowledge. Works produced in the context described in this article tend to receive little or no recognition, while recognition is precisely considered by scientists as the major reward for scientific performance (Schott, 1998: 132). This is due to the fact that in a deprived institutional environment, the "normal" home of both knowledge production and dissemination appears to lie outside the university. In Europe and North America, this would be perceived as a feature of the on-going shift towards the more applications-oriented `mode 2, but where the private industry is not in position to second the state, globalisation of science is likely to rhyme with isolation, marginalisation and deskilling until universities and research institutes are resurrected and professionally operationalised and research works produced for multi- and bi lateral cooperation agencies are disseminated and offered academic recognition. References Amuwo, K. (2000), The Discourse of Political Elites on Higher Education in Nigeria, in Lebeau Y. & M. Ogunsanya, The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB, pp. 1-26. Arvantis R, R. Waast & J. Gaillard (2000), Science in Africa: A Bibliometric Panorama Using PASCAL Database, Scientometrics, Vol. 47, No. 3, pp. 467-473. Banya K., & Elu J. (2001), The World Bank and financing higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa, Higher education 42, pp. 1-34. Becher, T & Trowler P.R. (2001), Academic tribes and Territories. Intellectual enquiry and the culture of disciplines, Second Edition, Buckingham, SRHE and Open University Press. T. Callaghy T, R. Kassimir, & R. Latham (2001) Intervention and Transnationalism in Africa. Global-Local Networks of Power Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chatelin Y, J. Gaillard & A.S. Keller (1997), The Nigerian Scientific community: The Colossus with Feet of Clay, in Gaillard, J., V.V. Krishna & R. Waast (eds) (1997), Scientific Communities in the Developing Word, New Delhi, Sage Publications, pp. 129-154. Fafunwa, A. B. (1971), A History of Nigerian higher Education (1827-1969), Lagos, Macmillan. Gaillard, J., V.V. Krishna & R. Waast (eds) (1997), Scientific Communities in the Developing Word, New Delhi, Sage Publications. Hibou, B. (ed.) (1999), La privatisation des Etats, Paris, Karthala. Hudu, A. (2000), Working and Living Conditions of Academic Staff in Nigeria: Strategies for Survival at Ahmadu Bello University, in Lebeau Y. & M. Ogunsanya, The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB, pp. 209-240. Jega, A. M. (1994), Nigerian Academics Under Military Rule, Stockholm, University of Stockholm, Department of Political Science, report No. 1994:3. Krishna, V. V. (2001), Reflections on the changing status of academic science in India, International Social Science Journal, Vol. 53 Issue 168, pp. 231-246. Lebeau, Y. (1997), tudiants et campus du Nigeria : recompositions du champ universitaire et sociabilits tudiantes, Paris, Karthala. Lebeau, Y. & Ogunsanya M. (eds) (2000), The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Universities. Elite Formation and the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-SaharanAfrica , Ibadan, IFRA/ABB Mkandawire, T. (1995), "Three Generations of African scholars", CODESRIA Bulletin, 2, 1995. Mkandawire, T. (1998), Notes on Consultancy and Research in Africa, Copenhagen, Centre for Development Research, Working Paper 98.13. Niane, B. (1992), Le transnational signe dexcellence, Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 95, pp. 13-25. (1997), De la transnationalisation de llite sngalaise, communication au colloque LAfrique, les Etats-Unis et la France, Bordeaux, CEAN, 22-24mai. Nwauwa, A.O. (1997), Imperialism Academe and Nationalism. Britain and University Education for Africans, 1860-1960, London, Frank Cass. Okudu, S.J. (1983), The Ibadan Syndrome of Excellence and the Nigerian University System, in Twenty Years of University Education in Nigeria, Lagos, Nigerian University Commission, pp. 77-83. Oni B. (2000),  HYPERLINK "http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc" Capacity Building Effort and Brain Drain in Nigerian Universities  Background paper for The Regional Conference on Brain Drain and Capacity Building in Africa, Economic Commission for Africa Addis Ababa, 22 - 24 February 2000.  HYPERLINK "http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc" http://www.uneca.org/docs/brain_drain/word_documents/oni.doc (Accessed Jan 03). Onuora, L.I. (1997), HYPERLINK "nigeria.html"World Beat: Nigeria, Mercury Magazine (The astronomical Society of the Pacific), Vol. 26 No. 4. Quddus, M. & Rashid, S. (2000), The Worlwide Movement in Private Universities, American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 59, No. 3, pp. 485-515. Schott, T. (1991), The world Scientific Community: Globality and Globalisation. Minerva, 29, 440-62. (1998), "Ties between Center and Periphery in the Scientific World-System: Accumulation of Rewards, Dominance and Self-Reliance in the Center."  HYPERLINK "http://csf.colorado.edu/wsystems/jwsr.html" Journal of World-Systems Research 4: 112 - 144. Soyinka, W. (1994), Ibadan. The Penkelemes Years. A Memoir 1946-1965, Ibadan, Spectrum Books. Toma, J.D. (1997), Alternative Inquiry Paradigms, Faculty Cultures, and the Definition of Academic Lives, Journal of Higher Education, 68 (6), 679-702. Van den Berghe, P.L. (1973), Power and Privilege at an African University, London, Routledge. Zeleza, P. T. (2000), African Labor and Intellectual Migrations to the North: Building New Transatlantic Bridges,  HYPERLINK "http://www.afrst.uiuc.edu/SEMINAR/AfricanLabor.rtf. Accessed 20/11/2001" http://www.afrst.uiuc.edu/SEMINAR/AfricanLabor.rtf. (Accessed 20/11/2001). Appendix 1: Nigerian public universities InstitutionLocationFoundedOwnershipFacultySt. enrolmentAbia State U.Uturu1983State Gov40015,389 (1999)Abubakar Tafawa Balewa U.Bauchi, Bauchi state1988Federal Gov2604000 (1999)Ahmadu Bello U.Zaria, Kaduna State1962Federal Gov206429,832 (1999)Bayero Kano U. Kano, Kano state1977Federal Gov45415,560 (1999)Benue State U.Makurdi1995State GovDelta State U. Abraka1990State GovEdo State U.Ekpoma1981State Gov43716,000 (1999)Enugu State U. of Technology Enugu1980State Gov2879,267Federal University of Technology, AkureAkure, Ondo State1981Federal Gov.2504225 (1999)Federal University of Technology, MinnaMinna, Niger state1983Federal Gov.2704318 (1999)Federal University of Technology, OwerriOwerri, Imo State1980Federal Gov.2354050 Federal University of Technology, yolaYola, Adamawa State1980Federal Gov.2043515 (1999)Imo state u. Owerri, Imo State1981State Gov.Kano state U. Kano1988State Gov.Ladoke Akintola U. of TechnologyOgbomoso1988State Gov.Lagos State U.Apapa, Lagos1983State Gov.2787800 (1999)Nigerian Defence AcademyKaduna1985Federal Gov.Nnamdi Azikiwe u. Awka, Anambra St.1995State Gov.Obafemi Awolowo U ILE-IFE, Osun State1961Federal Gov.1,327Ogun State U.Ago-Iwoye1982State Gov.2695800Ondo State U.Ado-Ekiti1982State Gov.2264686 (1999)Rivers State U. of science and tech.Port-Harcourt1980State Gov.456 10465University of AbujaAbuja1988Federal Gov.1505400University of Agric., AbeokutaOgun State1988Federal Gov.1583235University of agric., MakurdiBenue State1988Federal Gov.2242684University of agric., UmudikeUmahia, Abia State1988Federal Gov.University of BeninBenin, Edo State1970Federal Gov.69420660University of CalabarCross River State1975Federal Gov.52716,800University of IbadanIbadan, Oyo State1962Federal Gov.1,07720,434University of IlorinIlorin, Kwara State1975Federal Gov.45013,200University of JosJos, Plateau State1975Federal Gov.71113,408University of LagosAkoka, Lagos1962Federal Gov.67523,309U. of MaiduguriMaiduguri, Borno St.1975Federal Gov.63010,000University of NigeriaNsukka, Enugu State1960Federal Gov.1,05122,328U. of Port-HarcourtPort-H. Rivers State1975Federal Gov.49311,294University of UyoUyo, Aka-Ibom State1983Federal Gov.52215, 882Usman Danfodio UniversitySokoto, Sokoto State1975Federal Gov.3718,944First and second generation Universities (established in the 1960s and 1970s respectively) award master and Ph.D. degrees. First and some second generation Universities offer Post-doctoral programs. Source: Culled from the Universities Matriculation Examination Brochure, 2000-2001.+ The World Book of Learning: Nigeria, Universities and Polytechnic Colleges 1999 + The National University Commission: List of Nigerian Universities. 1999 + 2000 A. D. National University Commission Calendar + The U.S. Embassy Public Affairs Sections (Feb 2002). Appendix 2: The Federal Ministry of Science and Technology 1- Organisational structure  Source: Federal Ministry of science and Technology2001,  HYPERLINK "http://www.fmst.gov.ng/" http://www.fmst.gov.ng/ 2 Historical development The birth of the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology (FMST) began as far back as 1966 with the promulgation of the first Science and Technology Policy. The first Science and Technology Policy led to the establishment of the Nigerian Council for Science and Technology (NCST). One of the primary mandates of the NCST was to "Encourage, support and co-ordinate scientific and industrial research of all kinds." In the late 1970s, the NCST was transformed into the National Science and Technology Development Agency (NSTDA). The Ministry of Science and Technology was created in 1979. According to the FMST's 1986 National Policy, the Ministry was to "co-ordinate and undertake scientific and technology research and development." This included both inward and outward looking efforts such as "integrating foreign technology into our culture; upgrading indigenous technology; promotion of international co-operation in Science and Technology." The ministry was replaced and re-created several times between 1984 and 1992. The following 13 national research institutes are located within the ambit of the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology while another fifteen are located in the Federal Ministry of agriculture. Federal College of Chemical & Leather Technology (CHELTECH) Engineering Material Development Institute (EMDI) Federal Institute of Industrial Research, Oshodi (FIIRO) Hydraulic Equipment Development Institute (HEDI) National Research Institute for Chemical Technology (NARICT) Nigerian Building & Road Research Institute (NBRRI, 1980) Nigerian Institute of Medical Research (NIMR) National Institute for Pharmaceutical Research & Development (NIPRD) Nigerian Institute for Trypanosomias Research (NITR) Project Development Institute. development of machinery and equipment in relation to the use of steel, other metals, ceramics and glass. (PRODA, 1970) Scientific Equipment Development Institutes (DEDI) Sheda Science & Technology Complex (SHESTCO). Science village established in 1993. United Nations African Regional Centre for Space Science & Technology Education (UNARCSSTE)  Research Fellow, Centre for Higher Education Research and Information, The Open University, London. Contact: y.lebeau@open.ac.uk This paper is based on the findings of two research programmes carried out in Nigeria by the French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA-Ibadan) between 1997 and 2000. The first one (the Restructuring of Higher Education in sub-Saharan Africa) provided a comparative framework for the study of on-going transformations in African universities, particularly in Nigeria (see Lebeau and Ogunsanya, 2000). The second, focusing on the scientific community and research institutions, was part of a continent-wide study on the State of Science, supervised by Roland Waast and Jacques Gaillard of IRD (Institut de Recherche pour le Dveloppement, Paris). Interviews cited in this paper are part of a forty-five professional biographies corpus collected in Nigeria between February and September 2000 by the author and his associates (Dr Omar Massoud of Ahmadu Bello University and Dr Ifeanyi Onyeonoru of the University of Ibadan) for the State of Science project.  The country currently supports 43 universities (11 state universities, 3 recently approved private universities, and 29 federal universities including three agricultural universities, one military university, and 4 inter-university centres), 27 Polytechnics, and 28 National Research institutes (13 under the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology and 15 located in the Federal Ministry of agriculture).  Research in Nigeria, like in most British tropical territories, was carried out by British scientists (principally in tropical medicine and agriculture) to find solutions to the problems faced by the settlers (Chatelin et. al, 1997).  There were six universities in 1970.  In the early 1980s in Francophone and Anglophone Africa, civil servants salaries averaged 9.6 times and 4.6 times per capita income respectively, while in Asia the multiple was 2.9 and in Latin America 3.1 ( see Banya and Elu, 2001)  Brigadier General Adebayo (1969), military governor of the western region under Gowon administration, quoted in Amuwo, 2000p. 3.  Dated 17 November 1995. Quoted in Amuwo, Op. cit.  A popular reference to the effects of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)  The academy of Bordeaux for Dakar and the University of London for Ibadan.  On the competition for extraterritorial references and symbols among Senegalese higher institutions, Boubacar Niane uses the term transnationalisation, which, "as a process of transcending nation states, and of emergence of Supra values might better reflects the current situation. These new postures , quite profitable in a totally reshaped field, are strongly encouraged, not to say imposed, by a last instance made of transnational organisations such as the UN systemwhereas internationalisation suggests exchanges, reciprocal influences, and more generally a process of values integration that does not necessarily deny or erase national characteristics (Niane, 1997).  In a previous attempt at categorising African scholars attitudes along generations, Thandika Mkandawire (1995) portrayed three generations. The third one, being the current generation of young faculty trained locally in the crisis days, is by far (in the case of Nigeria at least) less connected and less extraverted than the two previous ones. I have therefore made the choice not to depict its international strategies in this paper.  University of Ibadan (UI); University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN); University of Lagos (UNILAG), Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria (ABU); or Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife (OAU).  Interview with Mrs. O, department of Plant science and biotechnology of a Federal university. June 2000  Although the few existing private existing institutions and the joint ventures operated by public universities and private consultancy services, are massively recruiting on part-time basis among the academic staff, none of our interviewees has declared having ever considered the possibility of joining the private sector in Nigeria  The total number of lecturers in the Nigerian universities was 12,977 in 1992. This total number declined to 12,064 in 1995. In other words, a total of 883 lecturers left the universities between 1992 and 1995 (Oni, 2000).  One, of course, thinks of Ghanaian lecturers, seen teaching in Nigerian secondary schools in the early 1980s.  Selected in most cases on the basis of their repeated appearance in international citation indexes.  According to Avantis et. al. (2000), Nigeria has lost half of its scientific published output in five years. 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