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ࡱ> {}z7  bjbjUU "7|7|!l&&&:8$B<:s*NL" )))))))$+ -*&m"*W_-*WWWll&)W)WbW&~),&)~ v4: )))LC*0s*).V.)W::AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES IN THE TRIPLE HELIX CONFIGURATION OF INNOVATION SYSTEMS: ADJUSTING THE WELLHEAD Introduction The importance of innovation for economic growth was first recognised in the middle of the twentieth century (Abramowitz, 1956; Solow, 1957), although knowledge production was considered exogenous to the economic process at that time. About two decades after, Nelson & Winter (1977) proposed to explain differences in growth rates among sectors of the economy in terms of the structural relations to technological trajectories, before Pavitt, (1984) later showed empirically that sectors are differently affected by their levels of technological developments. A typical example of the later is the observation that the banking sector is restructured by information and communication technologies at a pace different from agriculture (Freeman & Perez, 1988). This observation also applies to nations and regions: national and regional economies are restructured differently according to their levels of technological breakthroughs. Innovations are usually generated and incubated by locally producing units such as scientific laboratories, artisan workshops, and communities of instrument makers, but in interaction with market forces (Leydesdorff, 2002). Innovation therefore has both market and systemic dimensions; the two dimensions are traded off at interfaces: what can be produced in terms of technical characteristics versus what can be diffused on relevant markets by way of service characteristics (Frenken, 2001). These interfaces become locked-in into each other as in a co-evolution to yield a new trajectory (Arthur, 1989), and then develop into a system of innovations. When the public and private sector institutions network in a country for instance, in such a way that their activities and interactions initiate, import, modify and diffuse new technologies, then we have what is popularly known as national systems of innovations. This postulation has guided research activities in the understanding of innovations since late 1970S. Gibbons et. al. (1994) have proposed the Mode 2 model of national systems of innovation in which they postulated that the university role is declining because academic knowledge production is being displaced, if not replaced by the knowledge brokers and consulting firms in the industry and government that transgress disciplinary and institutional boundaries. With the advent of globalisation, accelerated mainly by new communication technologies, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has moved the innovation studies from national systems of innovation to the knowledge based society (OECD 1996) although the indicators of the knowledge base of an economy have not been adequately spelt out (Leydesdorff, 2002). More recently, the triple helix of university, industry and government, has been suggested as an appropriate model (Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff 2000). The university is viewed as an archetype of innovation and research, the industry epitomises the vvvvv users of outcome of university research while the government plays the central policy role. This helix is believed to capture the dynamics of both communication and organisation by introducing the notion of an overlay of exchange relations among the three components that feeds back on the institutional arrangement. The institutions and their relations in turn provide a knowledge infrastructure that carries the knowledge base so that each of the helices develops internally; but they exchange goods and services in terms of their functions. This perspective is now relatively developed, tested and widely accepted in many countries of the North where the notion of knowledge-based societies has also matured very significantly (Leydesdorff 2000). Our objective in this paper is to show that the university in Africa is not the typical university described in the TH theory due to factors arising mainly from global reconfiguration in the landscape of technology as well as local response to these changes. We therefore undertake a somewhat extensive x-ray of the university in Africa in order to show that its circumstances defeat the ideals of its expected roles in the TH model of innovation system. 3.0 An X-ray of the African University The African university have had what could be regarded as a tortuous historical uptake since much of the early years of independence in Africa in the 1960s. Setting out from a predominantly colonial cover in 1960s, the university in the continent has gone through stages of intensive development during the 1970s and 1980s, before the downturn that became evident in the 1990s. The first stage in this development is related to the structure of the institution inherited by the governments from the colonial governments, and the subsequent process of their nationalization, which redefined the roles and structure of the institutions based on perceived local realities. Galliard (1996) showed that many of the scientific pursuits in the colonies at that time were confined to exploration, surveys, data collection and the application of techniques, which replicated the knowledge systems of the North, aimed mainly at promoting colonial economic policies. Nevertheless, the science taking place during this period left an important legacy in Africa in terms of detailed inventories and recorded bodies of knowledge; creation of specialized research institutes, full-time researchers employed as civil servants and strategic choices in which agriculture and health, for example, emerged as research priorities in many countries. This legacy seemed to grow even stronger after independence in the 1960s, when it was enriched by the development of national higher education systems. In the 1970s, the legacy was bolstered by the nationalization of research institutes, the Africanisation of staff both at research institutes and universities, the expansion and multiplication of institutions, and the creation of national coordinating bodies mandated to define, implement and monitor national policies. From 1965 to 1985, the African states put considerable efforts into developing national research systems with readily available support from bilateral and multilateral cooperation schemes (Galliard, 1996). Such widespread trends fostered a mode of scientific development in which the state played a central role, and which, in turn, propelled a new process of scientific production national science. The era of national science resulted in some real success stories, marked by an enormous increase in the academic population and a steady growth in the number of research scientists sponsored mainly by aids from international bodies ranging from fellowships for training, research grants to individuals and teams, institution building, strengthening and twinning and various other forms of North/South partnership (Galliard and Waast, 1993). In the mid-1980s, Nigerian scientific publications became visible on the international scene; eminent scientific figures emerged; centres of excellence acquired international reputations; and some celebrated innovations originated from home-grown scientific research (Eisemon, 1978). Meanwhile, external funding for science and joint research initiatives with universities and research institutes had started to decline due to mismanagement of national wealth and internal and external protests against repressive policies of the military regimes. Although the signals of the current socio-economic problems could be traced to the 1970s in most of the countries, the benefits derived from these investments in the early years were still tangible by the end of 1980. On the average around this same period, the state of S&T had started to deteriorate substantially in most African countries, so that the benefits were short-lived. Originally developed on large expanses of estates and well equipped with laboratories and other required facilities, even the first generation universities in Nigeria are now dilapidated, with the buildings poorly maintained, and the laboratories lacking in old facilities. The services of the university staff are not adequately rewarded. Meanwhile, resistance to popular democratisation by sit-down dictatorships and official corruption in major part of the period since independence, among others, forced the decline in external funding for many years, and discouraged joint research initiatives with universities and research institutes in developed countries. In the recent years, several assessments have been carried out about the state of African scientific research communities (Galliard, Krishna and Waast, 1997; Lebeau and Ogunsanya, 1999). Apart from the finding related to the fracturing of the institutions themselves, their coordinating bodies have suffered tremendous loss of influence, thus making it difficult for reforms to be meaningfully implemented. With transitions from one military government to the other in many cases, the universities have been engulfed by the governments, thus losing the sacred autonomy that enables the universities perform as inevitable sources of knowledge production in any economy. As a result, the research institutions, which were expected to be bastions of hope in developing science and technology structures for the relatively predominantly new independent nations, became parastatals of government, serving government interests, and directed, and even sometimes administered by governments and their appointees. This is epitomized mainly by the situation in the Nigerian case when the military government of General Sani Abacha appointed a retire military the administrator for the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, one of the foremost universities in Nigeria. 3.0 Globalisation, ICT and Capitalization of Knowledge Three major factors associated with changes in the global landscape have converged to threaten the university in Africa. They are globalisation, the increasing importance and priority accorded to knowledge as principal driver of growth and information and communication technology revolution (World Bank 2002). The contestation that globalisation has some far-reaching negative consequences on the economies of many communities is no more a new one, although no one argues that there are some positive impacts on all human communities. A number of studies have shown that drop in per capita income, high unemployment rate, falling life expectancy, and growing rates of poverty and instability epitomize some of the negative consequences. With globalisation, declining communication and transportation costs respectively being partly responsible for the opening of political borders across the globe, the pattern and direction of flow of skilled people is observably terribly skewed. According to the World Bank (2002), roughly 25% of science and engineering students in United States graduate schools come from other countries. In the recent years, there have been ongoing adjustments of immigration laws in Canada, United States, and the European Union countries to accommodate the employment of persons from developing countries who are skilled in information technology fields. But the impact of the pattern of the exploitation of this development on developing countries is clearly unfavourable to Africa. What proportion of Canadians, Australians, citizens of European Union countries, for instance, are graduate students in Nigeria or are employed in the IT sectors or even other sectors in Nigeria? This imbalance shows that there are some ingredients of the modern global development that are contributing in the underdevelopment of the university in the developing countries. With the best of information and technology, and the brains leaving from the developing countries to the developed world, the developing countries will continue to suffer on the disadvantaged side of the digital divide. Most interestingly, it is an irony that the developing regions that produce this workforce which are recruited by the developed countries have less coverage of enrolment in higher education than the developed world. In 1995, the tertiary enrolment rate in the United States was 81% while the figure was 9% for developing countries generally (World Bank, 1999). Hence, with scarce resources and ill equipped universities, the developing countries provide an initial training of their best of manpower, which sooner than later acquire higher and more skilled training home but mainly from abroad where they also remain. There is therefore a continuous sieving from Africa of the best brains who join the developed countries workforce, at the detriment of their local environment where their services are actually needed to staff research and development as well as the educational institutions. The constraints posed by globalisation couple with the fact that the global economy is knowledge-intensive with the requirement of not just highly skilled human labour, but labour that conforms to what is believed to be universally standard and modern. The university in Africa therefore appears to be under serious pressure to produce the manpower that fits the demands of the new economy rather than that which directly addresses the local needs. Very crucial in this regard is the expectation that education is required to equip persons with core values needed to live as responsible and law abiding citizens in their countries, with emphasis not just on the ability to access global knowledge but to have education that is deeply rooted in local cultural consciousness. For now African institutions are adopting a utilitarian approach, seeking to measure up with the standards of the developed countries, rather than addressing problems that directly affect their communities. This approach absorbs what could be regarded as a positivistic approach to globalisation namely that all communities should tease out what local knowledge they can contribute to the global stock of knowledge based on the utility and workability of such knowledge within a local environment first, and globally next, if necessary and possible. Practically, one should not expect that everything that is locally relevant should also be globally relevant; neither should all globally useful knowledge be necessarily locally relevant or even required at any point in time. People-centred development should favour the expectation that appropriation of knowledge should extrapolate from the local to the global, and not otherwise. This way, people will have the privilege to explore and exploit their local and indigenous wealth of knowledge by applying them to solve and meet their own needs first. In the absence of the foregoing consciousness and strategy in the African universities, Africa and the rest of the developing world will, as usual, be trailing behind a predefined central development trajectory that makes the institutions stand out as elitist, struggling to address problems the way that suits what is modern and standard, but not what is necessarily locally relevant. The changes engendered by globalisation in higher educational institutions should be geared towards ensuring that responses from various communities are streamlined, systematic and coherent and providing a framework for the kind of change that would reposition Africa in the world. These changes will include the way knowledge is produced, used and disseminated, encompassing the increased adaptation and use of information technology in educational delivery, research and administration; and research evaluation in a way that is locally relevant. Although the growing reliance on digital information brings about beneficial transformations for countries of the South, there is a concomitant implication of the danger of growing digital gap among and within nations. While the digital divide separates countries into industrialized and developing on a global scale, it also dichotomises the developing countries into technologically more advanced and less advanced ones (Nwagwu, 2006). This situation notwithstanding, information and communication technology system is required to streamline and reduce administrative tasks for the purpose of facilitating efficiency and effectiveness, expand access and improve the quality of learning and instructions, and enhance cross institutional access to data and information. These expectations are now assumed to be the rule and not the exception globally despite the fact that in Nigeria, for instance, less than half of the 65 universities operating in the country have web portals, and much less than half of these portals are active (Agarin, 2006). During the 1980s and 1990s mainly, when many countries in Africa imposed cuts in salaries by emergency economic measures (e.g. in Cameroon in 1993), worsened by devaluations and runaway inflation (Madagascar: 20% per year between 1985 and 1996; Nigeria: 34% per year), there was a massive drop in researchers purchasing power. Researchers in the universities were therefore humiliated and suffered social downgrading of their positions resulting to a high level of emigration of research staff. The researchers that emigrated headed for countries of the industrialized North. Sooner than later, opportunities in the North became few and very competitive in comparison with the number and quality of researchers that were seeking emigration. Subsequent stream of emigrants therefore started exploring other African countries where the salaries paid were higher such as South Africa and many francophone countries. We can also identify another alternative that some of the researchers adopted namely changes in their profession at home without necessarily leaving the country, with the private sector such as the banks and industries and the international organizations employing many of the researchers. In Nigeria, the political arena appears to be very attractive to young and energetic university researchers who are sometimes used by the political class to score political goals. Realizing the inadequacy of salaries to university researchers, the government of Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida in Nigeria, for instance, introduced a policy that enabled professionals practice their profession while remaining in their jobs. This turned many teaching staff to part time university lecturers, devoting much of their time to their private work, and little to research work. Another typical response of the university researchers to the devaluation of the academic integrity manifested in the pattern of economic engagement of scholars at exit from services, which emerged principally during the regime of General Badamosi Babangida. Given the poor welfare package of the university researchers, university teachers were gratefully accepting political positions in the governments as ministers, advisers, and special assistants, sometimes, even without portfolio. The worst scenario arose when the university teachers were being used as instruments to suppress and gag their eloquent and outspoken colleagues as well as implement obnoxious policies. Another dimension of this observation is the increasing rate at which university professors left their jobs to assume offices as traditional rulers even of very small communities where their roles might be very significant or joined the private sector services. The major factor driving this kind of movement is the need to earn income for personal and family maintenance, attain a feeling of actualisation and recognition, which they missed as scholars. This development, which we can consider as deprofessionalisation decreased the active research work force within a decade. The practice of research became a part time affair for those who have the flair and skill for, but not exclusively the purpose of earning a living. Science was therefore being carried out for its own sake and not necessarily for the purpose of adequately solving any problems in the society. According to Galliard et al (1996), these changes in the nature of scientific work in Africa spurred professional and institutional crises marked by the policies that are characterised by laissez-faire principles (Waast, 2001), deprivation of budget and power; the national coordinating bodies as well as many scientific institutions lost direction and became ineffective. Furthermore, there was an erosion of academic oversight and direction. Practically, as national scientific communities became too impoverished or too small to function effectively, science as a profession also became increasingly individualised. Persistent conflict in all spheres, increasing challenges posed by HIV/AIDS pandemic, degraded environment as well as poverty and hunger, and income inequality combined to mount pressures on the government regarding priorities in educational budgets. Stern et al (2005:25) have shown that countries that have located a higher share of their research and development activity in the educational sector have been able to achieve significantly higher patenting productivity. These constraints prevail upon the university from responding effectively to changing education and training needs, adapt to a rapidly shifting tertiary education landscape as well as adopting more flexible modes of organisation. The consequence of this is the emergence of new but very unfavourable university vistas in Africa. 4. New but Unscholarly Research Vistas One fact is emerging from the changes caused by changing international landscape: there is an increasing realization that education is central to the creation and development of intellectual capacity required to foster knowledge production and utilisation. But obviously new and different colours of consciousness are emerging in the developed and developing countries regarding how to address and harness the new competitions that are appearing, as well as roles and modes of operation of traditional institutions and how to exploit the opportunities this new development brings along. Along with this consciousness have come crucial reorganisation in many societies about how to address patterns of financing and governing of the institutions; adoption, creation and implementation of accreditation systems; institutional differentiation and technological innovations. For countries in Africa for instance, a challenge will be how to assimilate the new changes into systems that have not already successfully managed existing local difficulties. Until and even now, African universities have been confronted with the problem of inequalities in access, poor quality and relevance of educational programmes and activities, and effective management structures. While the socio-economic composition of the student body continue to reflect the need for mass education, the institutions continue to be elitist in structure, thus creating a dichotomy between objectives of higher education and the educational outcomes. The university, like any other institutions, are products of their environment as well as carriers of the history that helped to form and shape them. Historical precedent is thus expected to assume an important place in the analysis of the circumstances of the African university. As David (1994, p. 215) observes: Institutions typically evolve new functions and because these are added sequentially they are shaped by internal precedents. Today, we can say that the university in Africa has a different focus from that which is emerging globally. Certain factors mark this focus namely teaching without research, research by nongovernmental organizations without publications, and the total absorption of the university by the government, among others. African universities are involved in teaching mainly and not necessarily in research, a critical activity of the university in the Triple Helix of innovation model. Related to this is the negligible ratio of foreign patent applications to local patent applications, which measures the level of innovative activity in a country by national researchers. While the ratio is 690 to 1 for low-income countries generally, and about 3.3 to 1 in high-income countries (World Bank, 2000), in many developing countries, the idea of patenting is not there at all. The volume of publications on Nigeria as indexed by the ISI databases shows clearly that research is nearly absent, and this is clearly demonstrated by the near straight line pattern of growth in number of publications since 1995 as shown in figures one to three. The proliferation of non-governmental organizations in Nigeria which are led mainly by serving researchers in the universities and which also employ on full time basis the services of trained researchers epitomizes a development in which money obtained from abroad for research purposes are privately invested. These NGOs are themselves both clients of the funding agencies and home government who invariably determine the kind of research they fund as well as the use to which the research products are put. This development was fuelled, not by a natural drift of research consciousness to the non-university sector, but by what could be regarded as a face-off between the international community and sit-tight military interregna that ruled the country over high level of home grown and internationally sponsored official corruption and gross mismanagement of resources. A bibliometric analysis of the publication pattern of selected NGOs in Nigeria shows that the NGOs do engage in action research - aimed at either mass awareness or change in human behaviour. Surveys, when they obtain, are only undertaken to provide a basis for the action research, while basic research is completely absent. The products of the research exercises are mainly research reports submitted to the funding agencies; dissemination through the formal research media seems to be increasingly unpopular (28.7%). At most the NGOs would prefer the popular media of newspapers and magazines (45.12%) to publicize their research activities, a strategy that is not unrelated to the desire to gain cheap popularity and be employed by the governments or international agencies while about 23.18% of the research products are randomly  EMBED Excel.Chart.8 \s  distributed to other deserving public (Nwagwu, 2006). There is some relationship between this development and the fact that research has expanded beyond the university institution. But the pattern of this movement is difficult to measure: research funds are disbursed and used by researchers without any evidence of the research being  EMBED Excel.Chart.8 \s  disseminated through the professional channels A dangerous aspect of this development is that the little research activity that subsists is exercised within a global network in which the local demand for research is not as strong as international, with the implication that the research programmes and objectives are not designed to address local needs. This new research focus condition is not actually on knowledge production but rather on visibility and income for survival, regulated and characterized by market forces. Another dangerous dimension is that research publications are engaged in to earn promotion and not for the purpose of problem solving. Many universities in the country have policies that require their scientists to publish in the developed countries channels in order to rise in ranks because of lack of reliable local channels. This strategy means that the scientists define and carry out heir research following research agenda set by the developed world whose problems are different. Practically, journal and other sources of communication among scientists are known to be low in quality. This situation has been well elaborated by Nwagwu (2005). This spells a further conflict with respect to the objectives of scientific research and a consequent radical shift in the essence of research so that becoming visible internationally, rising in rank, earning bigger salaries and participating in high-level administrative roles in the universities and government are more dominant motives in research than problem solving. 5.0 The Triple Helix and the African University One credo of triple helix model of innovation studies is that knowledge in itself does not transform economies except and until it is used within a complex system of institutions and practices. The TH thesis advocates that the university can play an enhanced role in a knowledgebased society, and that the extent of this role can be analysed in terms of a university-industry-government relation in which each component can take the roles of each other (Leydesdorff, 2001). With research and knowledge generation generally believed to have outgrown the capacity of the traditional university, it has been taken for granted that the industry and government participate in developing practical problem solving knowledge. In the same vein, economic development is also believed to have outgrown the monopoly of government so that the industry and the university take their shares. Leydesdorff and Etzkowitz (2000) posit that the TH generates a network system of interactive spirals as university, industry, and government engage one another to promote economic development and academic research. The entrepreneurial university can be created from this constellation and encompasses and transcends previous academic missions of education and research. The mission of economic development is believed to be increasingly added to that of the reproduction of the knowledge base and the systematic production of scientific novelty. The Triple Helix thesis is about national innovation systems although situated within the modern knowledge base society phenomenon. The thesis is presented to be a linkage of epistemic community of researchers from various disciplines and specialties who share an interest in knowledge exchange processes between university, industry and government. Among others, the theory assumes that these three components of the economy are mutually interlinked; and consist of members who carry out research, and rely on the result of their research outcomes to make policies. The Triple Helix thesis tends to be built on the observation that modern economies are highly science- and technology-intensive at both university, government and industry levels, with a consequent very high level of domestic investment in R&D. Furthermore, the TH model assumes that industry and service sectors have become predominantly knowledge-based and innovation-driven. Also, economies where TH applies have high levels of skilled manpower, possibly explainable by many years of institutionalisation of education, accentuated by the complementarities of the various components of the helix. Moreover, the Triple Helix model itself observes that a university may establish an incubator on the basis of its endogenous capacities; incubation is most productively organized as a cooperative venture between one or more universities, a local government authority, and a consortium of financial institutions interested in enhancing the local innovation environment. The growing role of the university in the new economy goes well beyond providing industry and the state apparatuses with trained personnel and engaging in research that provides a knowledge base for industry to draw upon (Mansfield, 1991). These expectations fit the developed countries, where reforms in the higher education sector recognize that government, universities and industry are partners in development, and not one of the members of triple is a subsidiary to the other. In the circumstances of the university in Africa, these expectations are very idealistic for many African countries for several reasons. Universally, it is known that only a small fraction of university innovations, relative to R&D budgets, is actually utilized by industry. Innovations in the university are becoming moribund because universities are mainly where national workforce is trained and not necessarily where innovation is generated, and both manpower and other infrastructures seem to be suited for this purpose. The universities in Africa are under serious pressure by the government and the industry to meet the manpower needs of the economy while at the same time, the global requirement of the knowledge based society mounts further pressures on the university to conduct research and produce manpower that are responsive to global needs. While the industry pressurizes the universities for a larger number of skilled persons, governments are in addition making demands that universities be accountable and that courses be streamlined to cater for the specific needs of the economy. Despite the disparities in priority given to tertiary education in different parts of the globe, the TH model of innovation has identified a central role for higher education in the new knowledge economy. But universities and governments in Nigeria and many other African countries today face a paradoxical situation in which although the university has lost its leadership in research, the government or the industry did not inherit the fundamental research activity. Government laboratories which have acted as loops for university research face the same apparent contradiction in the face of the agenda of privatisation and commercialisation which have been on the political centre stage since the adjustment years. Science and technology in Africa has never really focused on large and direct support of large firms; emphasis has always been on small and medium enterprises (SMEs). We also see that public authorities do not rely on research for the implementation of new policy objectives but rather upon the expertise of gatekeepers of public sector knowledge. Hence, the pattern of the changing role of universities is not necessarily that of any convergence between universities and government laboratories, or the emergence of new research collectives but rather the absorption and redefinition of the university function by the government. A bibliometric analysis of publications in the biomedical literature of Nigeria showed that the university dominated research activities producing more than 98% of the total papers published in journals during 1967 through 2002. During the same period, the industry and government together produced less than two percent of the total research papers. This raises questions about the much-heralded diffusion of the research enterprise from the university to non-university sectors (Nwagwu, 2005). The universities seem to have ceased from being producers of knowledge but rather places where workforce for the government and industry is produced. Another bibliometric analysis of government publications in Nigeria between 1995 and 2005 shows that 98.41% of the citations in those publications come from back numbers government publications. The rest are references to international circulations such as World Bank, while reference to publications from the universities and research institutions were nearly absent (Nwagwu, 2005). There is no doubting the fact that tertiary education landscape is changing all over the world, with increasing evidence that the university walls are collapsing. There is an increasing tendency for networking locally and across national borders. Allam and Nwagwu (2006) have discussed the nature of this development in Africa and how African institutions are responding to it as well as constraints to their maximal benefits. But the central role of government has also been emphasised. Stiglitz (2001) put it succinctly government does have a role --- a role in education, in encouraging the kind of creativity and risk taking that the scientific entrepreneurship requires, in creating the institutions that facilitate ideas being brought into fruition, and a regulatory and tax environment that rewards this kind of activity Stiglitz (2001, p116) Until this happens, the pattern of government funding of universities will favour covering administrative costs and some degree of maintenance while researchers who wish to carry out fundamental research would look elsewhere for their funding. The results of these researches will hardly address relevant problems in the society since sometimes; the piper determines both the instrument to be used as well as the tune. Hence, the amount of R&D, which is an important source of learning for innovation, carried out in universities and firms are significantly lower than is found in advanced industrial countries. In addition, many of the innovative activities in firms are imitative and product-related rather than process-centred. Again, the functions of the production systems are different. For instance, industrial production in the USA is more specialized in R&D-intensive hi-tech products; and public-sector research, for example at universities, is more closely linked to industry, performing R&D functions that private-sector firms fulfilled in Japan, for instance (Edquist and Texier, 1996). Also, the competence building capacity of organizations such as universities and training centres, many of which were set up expressly to produce manpower, is smaller and in most African countries has failed to meet the challenges of the new and more competitive global economy (Oyelaran-Oyeyinka and Barclay, 2003). Furthermore, the competence building capacity of organizations such as universities and training centres, many of which were set up expressly to produce manpower, is smaller and in most African countries has failed to meet the challenges of the new, more competitive global economy (Oyelaran-Oyeyinka and Barclay, 2003). Also, the function of information exchange is usually very weakly coordinated or not coordinated at all in most African countries. In the SIs of advanced economies, the flow of information is much greater and access to it is generally easier, even for non-specialists, although a significant proportion of R&D information is withheld from the public domain because it consists of trade secrets. Furthermore, although the regulatory functions of SIs differ in all countries, these differences are more pronounced in Africa. Some countries have almost no regulatory institutions for dealing with imported new technologies. For example, most African countries are at very early stages of developing biosafety systems to regulate the introduction and release of genetically modified (GM) organisms. The pattern of public investment in education in the recent years also short-changes the original expectation and motivation for higher education as shown in Nwagwu (2005). The same goes for the pattern of spending by rich organizations and individuals, which tell a lot about public perception of the university as a citadel of learning. An enduring practice in the developed world is that those who have become financially visible often invest their wealth in such a way to contribute in solving human problems. Hence we hear of Cater Foundation, Bill Clinton Foundation, and Macarthur Foundation, etc, all of which fund research activities at various levels including universities. Such initiatives are not identifiable in Nigeria where politicians and ex-heads of states and presidents, and military and industrial giants use their wealth to sponsor political activities. A new educational business investment vista was opened up to the rich in Nigeria in the aegis of private universities, a development that would have been propelled by the realization that the public institutions are insufficient both in number and capacity to cater for the teaming student population. However their for-profit motives is likely to compromise the quality of education in countries where evidence of education is a license for survival. The government itself seems to be conscious of the fact that the university dream has been derailed, although there is no expression of consciousness that government policies and actions are accountable for the diminishing of the university responsibility. In a recent address, for instance, the president of Nigeria called on Nigerian universities to audit and rationalise the courses taught in the universities, observing that many of the courses are not relevant to the need of the economy. Not altogether incorrect, this call shows that the university and the government are moving in different directions, and not necessarily as complementary entities for the benefit of mankind. 6.0 Concluding Remark: Adjusting the Wellhead, Recognising Innovation Divide The exponents of the TH have suggested that TH model evolves dynamic configurations ranging from Triple Helix One in which the nation state encompasses academia and industry and directs the relations between them to Triple Helix Two, which consists of separate institutional spheres with strong borders dividing them. The TH3 has high knowledge infrastructure which overlap institutional spheres, with each taking the role of the other and with hybrid organizations emerging at the interfaces, Among these three configurations, TH Three has become universalised over the others: the Triple Helix I is largely viewed as a failed developmental model, which has little room for "bottom up" initiatives. On the other hand, TH Two has been assessed as entailing a laissez-faire policy strategy (Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff 2000). The world is characterised by divides of all sorts, the most popular seems to be the digital divide. A major factor influencing digital divide is related to the ability and capacity of different human communities to mobilise for the application of digital technologies, and this affects the pattern of exploitation of globalisation dividends as well as the extent of compliance with the expectations of the knowledge society. These factors are also very strong driving factors of innovation in the TH perspective. Recognising the differences engendered by the divides could be a basis for redistribution of global wealth, or a basis for perpetuating the haves and have nots boundaries. But the reality is that despite the observed complementarity of roles among university, industry and government, all regions of the world are not yet at the same level where the TH Three could apply. Hence, the various configurations of the TH could be differentially applied to different communities according to their peculiar circumstances, recognising their varied institutional arrangements in the universityindustry-government relations. None of the  models can be generalisable to all regions of the world in accordance with the divide that has become part of the global system. We surmise that the wellhead of the TH Three appears very narrow to accommodate the African university in its present circumstances, and suggest the model will not explain innovation systems in Africa for a very long time to come. This suggestion is not a problem to the TH theory; human societies are not homogeneous and universal monotonous social models may be elusive. A factor driving this suggestion is the observation that countries that want to improve their innovation capacity have to make significant efforts to acquire and maintain critical mass of appropriate infrastructure, institutions, and human resources that function in concert to allow benefits to accrue, a feat the circumstances of most developing countries cannot carry now. The institutionalisation of new social technologies may require new law, new organizational forms, new sets of expectations (Nelson and Sampat, 2001, p. 49). The corollary is that, in a situation of economic backwardness, changes to institutions will most likely be unfavourable, just as technological innovation itself may be equally rare, or even non-existent. Institutional changes become even more crucial at a time of humanly engineered or induced change in economic conditions. Innovations differ in size and the degree from one region to the other according to differences in economic and political circumstances and priorities of the countries and regions. Although the developing countries generally have increased their share of worldwide export to 30% by 1990, which is higher than the previous years, the pattern of this development is dominated by the contribution of the rich and hi-tech developing countries (Lall, 2000). Now, not many studies are being carried out in the area of innovation systems in Africa, thus creating a gap in the availability of knowledge usable in policy making. There does not seem to be any consciousness at all that the changing pattern of the role of knowledge in the society would significantly affect what is known about innovation systems. Empirical evidences about the applicability of the triple helix have also concentrated on developed economies. There is also an observation of increasing exclusion of many countries of the South in the growing international cross border collaboration, thus debarring them from benefiting from the free culture of knowledge sharing. Although cutting-edge is not necessarily the credo of innovation systems, even the mundane essential research is hardly obtaining. 7.0 References Abramowitz, M. (1956). Resource and Output Trends in the United States since 1870, American Economic Review, 46, pp5-23. Allam, A and Nwagwu, W. (2006). Opportunities and Challenges of Elearning Networks in Africa. Development 49 2, pp86-92. Arthur, W. B. (1989). Competing Technologies, Increasing Returns, and Lock-in by Historical Events. Economic Journal, 99, 116-131. Association for the Development of Education in Africa (2003). Report of the Working Group on Education Statistics. Available http://www.adeanet.org/workgroups/en_wges.html retrieved on June 20 2006). David, P.A. "Why Are Institutions the "Carriers of History"?: Path Dependence and the Evolution of Conventions, Organisations and Institutions." Structural Change and Economic Dynamics, 1994, 5(2), pp. 205-20. Edqvist, C. & Texier, F. (1996). "The Growth Pattern of Swedish Industry 1975-1991," In O. Kuusi, Innovation Systems and Competitiveness. Helsinki: Francois. Etzkowitz, H. & L. Leydesdorff. (2000). The Dynamics of Innovation: From National Systems and Mode 2 to a Triple Helix of UniversityIndustryGovernment Relations, Research Policy, 29(2), 109-123 Freeman, C., & C. Perez. (1988). Structural Crises of Adjustment, Business Cycles and Investment Behaviour. In G. Dosi, C. Freeman, R. N. G. Silverberg & L. Soete (Eds.), Technical Change and Economic Theory (pp. 38-66). London: Pinter. Frenken, K. (2001). Understanding Product Innovation Using Complex Systems Theory. Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam Galliard, J. (1996). Science Policies and Cooperation in Africa. Knowledge 14(2), 212-226. Gibbons, M.; Limoges C.; Nowotny H.; Schwartzman, S.; Scott, P.; Tro, M., (1994). The Production of Knowledge and the Dynamic of Science and Research in Contemporary Associates. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publishers. Leydes Mansfield, E. (1991) Academic research and industrial innovation, Research Policy, 20(1): 1-12. Nelson, R. R., & S. G. Winter. 1982. An Evolutionary Theory of Economic Change. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Nelson, R.R. & B. Sampat, (2001). "Making Sense of Institutions as a Factor Shaping Economic Performance." Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, 44, pp. 31-54. North, D.C. (1996) ed. Economic Perfomance through Time. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,. North, D.P. (1990). Institutions, Institutional Change, and Economic Performance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nwagwu, W (2005). A Bibliometric analysis of patterns of authorship in the biomedical literature of Nigeria. an unpublished PhD Thesis. Africa Regional Centre for Information Science University of Ibadan, Nigeria. Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (1996). The Knowledge-Based Economy.(OECD: Paris). Oyelaran-Oyeyinka, B. (2005). Systems of Innovation and Underdevelopment: An Institutional Perspective. Discussion Paper series. United Nations University, INTECH Institute for New Technologies. Oyelaran-Oyeyinka, B and Barclay (2003), L.A. "Human Capital and Systems of Innovation in African Development," M. Muche, P. Gammeltoft and B.-. Lundvall, Putting Africa First: The Making of African Innovation System. Aalborg: Aalborg University Press, , pp93-108. Pavitt, K. (1984). Sectoral patterns of technical change: towards a theory and a taxonomy, Research Policy, 13, 343-73. Solow, R. M. (1957). Technical Progress and the Aggregate Production Function. Review of Economics and Statistics, 39, 312-320. Stern, S; Michael E.P; Jeffrey, L.F (2005). The determinants of national innovative Capacity. NBER Working Paper 7876. National Bureau of Economic Research. (Cambridge Massachusetts). Stiglitz, J. (2001). Public Policy for a knowledge economy. Available  HYPERLINK "http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/extme/knowledge-economy.pdf" http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/extme/knowledge-economy.pdf, accessed 22/07/2006) United Nations Development Programme (2002) Human Development Report, ( HYPERLINK "http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2002/en/" http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2002/en/ January 2005). Waast, R. and Gaillard, J. (2002) Science in Africa at the Dawn of the 21st Century, EU/French Ministry of Foreign Affairs Report, FFM, Paris. World Bank. (1997). Revitalising Universities in Africa: Strategies and Guidelines. (World Bank: Washington DC). World Bank (2002). Constructing knowledge societies: New challenges for tertiary Education. (The World: Washington D.C). 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ࡱ> {}z7  bjbjUU "7|7|!l&&&:8$B<:s*NL" )))))))$+ -*&m"*W_-*WWWll&)W)WbW&~),&)~ v4: )))LC*0s*).V.)W::AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES IN THE TRIPLE HELIX CONFIGURATION OF INNOVATION SYSTEMS: ADJUSTING THE WELLHEAD Introduction The importance of innovation for economic growth was first recognised in the middle of the twentieth century (Abramowitz, 1956; Solow, 1957), although knowledge production was considered exogenous to the economic process at that time. About two decades after, Nelson & Winter (1977) proposed to explain differences in growth rates among sectors of the economy in terms of the structural relations to technological trajectories, before Pavitt, (1984) later showed empirically that sectors are differently affected by their levels of technological developments. A typical example of the later is the observation that the banking sector is restructured by information and communication technologies at a pace different from agriculture (Freeman & Perez, 1988). This observation also applies to nations and regions: national and regional economies are restructured differently according to their levels of technological breakthroughs. Innovations are usually generated and incubated by locally producing units such as scientific laboratories, artisan workshops, and communities of instrument makers, but in interaction with market forces (Leydesdorff, 2002). Innovation therefore has both market and systemic dimensions; the two dimensions are traded off at interfaces: what can be produced in terms of technical characteristics versus what can be diffused on relevant markets by way of service characteristics (Frenken, 2001). These interfaces become locked-in into each other as in a co-evolution to yield a new trajectory (Arthur, 1989), and then develop into a system of innovations. When the public and private sector institutions network in a country for instance, in such a way that their activities and interactions initiate, import, modify and diffuse new technologies, then we have what is popularly known as national systems of innovations. This postulation has guided research activities in the understanding of innovations since late 1970S. Gibbons et. al. (1994) have proposed the Mode 2 model of national systems of innovation in which they postulated that the university role is declining because academic knowledge production is being displaced, if not replaced by the knowledge brokers and consulting firms in the industry and government that transgress disciplinary and institutional boundaries. With the advent of globalisation, accelerated mainly by new communication technologies, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has moved the innovation studies from national systems of innovation to the knowledge based society (OECD 1996) although the indicators of the knowledge base of an economy have not been adequately spelt out (Leydesdorff, 2002). More recently, the triple helix of university, industry and government, has been suggested as an appropriate model (Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff 2000). The university is viewed as an archetype of innovation and research, the industry epitomises the vvvvv users of outcome of university research while the government plays the central policy role. This helix is believed to capture the dynamics of both communication and organisation by introducing the notion of an overlay of exchange relations among the three components that feeds back on the institutional arrangement. The institutions and their relations in turn provide a knowledge infrastructure that carries the knowledge base so that each of the helices develops internally; but they exchange goods and services in terms of their functions. This perspective is now relatively developed, tested and widely accepted in many countries of the North where the notion of knowledge-based societies has also matured very significantly (Leydesdorff 2000). Our objective in this paper is to show that the university in Africa is not the typical university described in the TH theory due to factors arising mainly from global reconfiguration in the landscape of technology as well as local response to these changes. We therefore undertake a somewhat extensive x-ray of the university in Africa in order to show that its circumstances defeat the ideals of its expected roles in the TH model of innovation system. 3.0 An X-ray of the African University The African university have had what could be regarded as a tortuous historical uptake since much of the early years of independence in Africa in the 1960s. Setting out from a predominantly colonial cover in 1960s, the university in the continent has gone through stages of intensive development during the 1970s and 1980s, before the downturn that became evident in the 1990s. The first stage in this development is related to the structure of the institution inherited by the governments from the colonial governments, and the subsequent process of their nationalization, which redefined the roles and structure of the institutions based on perceived local realities. Galliard (1996) showed that many of the scientific pursuits in the colonies at that time were confined to exploration, surveys, data collection and the application of techniques, which replicated the knowledge systems of the North, aimed mainly at promoting colonial economic policies. Nevertheless, the science taking place during this period left an important legacy in Africa in terms of detailed inventories and recorded bodies of knowledge; creation of specialized research institutes, full-time researchers employed as civil servants and strategic choices in which agriculture and health, for example, emerged as research priorities in many countries. This legacy seemed to grow even stronger after independence in the 1960s, when it was enriched by the development of national higher education systems. In the 1970s, the legacy was bolstered by the nationalization of research institutes, the Africanisation of staff both at research institutes and universities, the expansion and multiplication of institutions, and the creation of national coordinating bodies mandated to define, implement and monitor national policies. From 1965 to 1985, the African states put considerable efforts into developing national research systems with readily available support from bilateral and multilateral cooperation schemes (Galliard, 1996). Such widespread trends fostered a mode of scientific development in which the state played a central role, and which, in turn, propelled a new process of scientific production national science. The era of national science resulted in some real success stories, marked by an enormous increase in the academic population and a steady growth in the number of research scientists sponsored mainly by aids from international bodies ranging from fellowships for training, research grants to individuals and teams, institution building, strengthening and twinning and various other forms of North/South partnership (Galliard and Waast, 1993). In the mid-1980s, Nigerian scientific publications became visible on the international scene; eminent scientific figures emerged; centres of excellence acquired international reputations; and some celebrated innovations originated from home-grown scientific research (Eisemon, 1978). Meanwhile, external funding for science and joint research initiatives with universities and research institutes had started to decline due to mismanagement of national wealth and internal and external protests against repressive policies of the military regimes. Although the signals of the current socio-economic problems could be traced to the 1970s in most of the countries, the benefits derived from these investments in the early years were still tangible by the end of 1980. On the average around this same period, the state of S&T had started to deteriorate substantially in most African countries, so that the benefits were short-lived. Originally developed on large expanses of estates and well equipped with laboratories and other required facilities, even the first generation universities in Nigeria are now dilapidated, with the buildings poorly maintained, and the laboratories lacking in old facilities. The services of the university staff are not adequately rewarded. Meanwhile, resistance to popular democratisation by sit-down dictatorships and official corruption in major part of the period since independence, among others, forced the decline in external funding for many years, and discouraged joint research initiatives with universities and research institutes in developed countries. In the recent years, several assessments have been carried out about the state of African scientific research communities (Galliard, Krishna and Waast, 1997; Lebeau and Ogunsanya, 1999). Apart from the finding related to the fracturing of the institutions themselves, their coordinating bodies have suffered tremendous loss of influence, thus making it difficult for reforms to be meaningfully implemented. With transitions from one military government to the other in many cases, the universities have been engulfed by the governments, thus losing the sacred autonomy that enables the universities perform as inevitable sources of knowledge production in any economy. As a result, the research institutions, which were expected to be bastions of hope in developing science and technology structures for the relatively predominantly new independent nations, became parastatals of government, serving government interests, and directed, and even sometimes administered by governments and their appointees. This is epitomized mainly by the situation in the Nigerian case when the military government of General Sani Abacha appointed a retire military the administrator for the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, one of the foremost universities in Nigeria. 3.0 Globalisation, ICT and Capitalization of Knowledge Three major factors associated with changes in the global landscape have converged to threaten the university in Africa. They are globalisation, the increasing importance and priority accorded to knowledge as principal driver of growth and information and communication technology revolution (World Bank 2002). The contestation that globalisation has some far-reaching negative consequences on the economies of many communities is no more a new one, although no one argues that there are some positive impacts on all human communities. A number of studies have shown that drop in per capita income, high unemployment rate, falling life expectancy, and growing rates of poverty and instability epitomize some of the negative consequences. With globalisation, declining communication and transportation costs respectively being partly responsible for the opening of political borders across the globe, the pattern and direction of flow of skilled people is observably terribly skewed. According to the World Bank (2002), roughly 25% of science and engineering students in United States graduate schools come from other countries. In the recent years, there have been ongoing adjustments of immigration laws in Canada, United States, and the European Union countries to accommodate the employment of persons from developing countries who are skilled in information technology fields. But the impact of the pattern of the exploitation of this development on developing countries is clearly unfavourable to Africa. What proportion of Canadians, Australians, citizens of European Union countries, for instance, are graduate students in Nigeria or are employed in the IT sectors or even other sectors in Nigeria? This imbalance shows that there are some ingredients of the modern global development that are contributing in the underdevelopment of the university in the developing countries. With the best of information and technology, and the brains leaving from the developing countries to the developed world, the developing countries will continue to suffer on the disadvantaged side of the digital divide. Most interestingly, it is an irony that the developing regions that produce this workforce which are recruited by the developed countries have less coverage of enrolment in higher education than the developed world. In 1995, the tertiary enrolment rate in the United States was 81% while the figure was 9% for developing countries generally (World Bank, 1999). Hence, with scarce resources and ill equipped universities, the developing countries provide an initial training of their best of manpower, which sooner than later acquire higher and more skilled training home but mainly from abroad where they also remain. There is therefore a continuous sieving from Africa of the best brains who join the developed countries workforce, at the detriment of their local environment where their services are actually needed to staff research and development as well as the educational institutions. The constraints posed by globalisation couple with the fact that the global economy is knowledge-intensive with the requirement of not just highly skilled human labour, but labour that conforms to what is believed to be universally standard and modern. The university in Africa therefore appears to be under serious pressure to produce the manpower that fits the demands of the new economy rather than that which directly addresses the local needs. Very crucial in this regard is the expectation that education is required to equip persons with core values needed to live as responsible and law abiding citizens in their countries, with emphasis not just on the ability to access global knowledge but to have education that is deeply rooted in local cultural consciousness. For now African institutions are adopting a utilitarian approach, seeking to measure up with the standards of the developed countries, rather than addressing problems that directly affect their communities. This approach absorbs what could be regarded as a positivistic approach to globalisation namely that all communities should tease out what local knowledge they can contribute to the global stock of knowledge based on the utility and workability of such knowledge within a local environment first, and globally next, if necessary and possible. Practically, one should not expect that everything that is locally relevant should also be globally relevant; neither should all globally useful knowledge be necessarily locally relevant or even required at any point in time. People-centred development should favour the expectation that appropriation of knowledge should extrapolate from the local to the global, and not otherwise. This way, people will have the privilege to explore and exploit their local and indigenous wealth of knowledge by applying them to solve and meet their own needs first. In the absence of the foregoing consciousness and strategy in the African universities, Africa and the rest of the developing world will, as usual, be trailing behind a predefined central development trajectory that makes the institutions stand out as elitist, struggling to address problems the way that suits what is modern and standard, but not what is necessarily locally relevant. The changes engendered by globalisation in higher educational institutions should be geared towards ensuring that responses from various communities are streamlined, systematic and coherent and providing a framework for the kind of change that would reposition Africa in the world. These changes will include the way knowledge is produced, used and disseminated, encompassing the increased adaptation and use of information technology in educational delivery, research and administration; and research evaluation in a way that is locally relevant. Although the growing reliance on digital information brings about beneficial transformations for countries of the South, there is a concomitant implication of the danger of growing digital gap among and within nations. While the digital divide separates countries into industrialized and developing on a global scale, it also dichotomises the developing countries into technologically more advanced and less advanced ones (Nwagwu, 2006). This situation notwithstanding, information and communication technology system is required to streamline and reduce administrative tasks for the purpose of facilitating efficiency and effectiveness, expand access and improve the quality of learning and instructions, and enhance cross institutional access to data and information. These expectations are now assumed to be the rule and not the exception globally despite the fact that in Nigeria, for instance, less than half of the 65 universities operating in the country have web portals, and much less than half of these portals are active (Agarin, 2006). During the 1980s and 1990s mainly, when many countries in Africa imposed cuts in salaries by emergency economic measures (e.g. in Cameroon in 1993), worsened by devaluations and runaway inflation (Madagascar: 20% per year between 1985 and 1996; Nigeria: 34% per year), there was a massive drop in researchers purchasing power. Researchers in the universities were therefore humiliated and suffered social downgrading of their positions resulting to a high level of emigration of research staff. The researchers that emigrated headed for countries of the industrialized North. Sooner than later, opportunities in the North became few and very competitive in comparison with the number and quality of researchers that were seeking emigration. Subsequent stream of emigrants therefore started exploring other African countries where the salaries paid were higher such as South Africa and many francophone countries. We can also identify another alternative that some of the researchers adopted namely changes in their profession at home without necessarily leaving the country, with the private sector such as the banks and industries and the international organizations employing many of the researchers. In Nigeria, the political arena appears to be very attractive to young and energetic university researchers who are sometimes used by the political class to score political goals. Realizing the inadequacy of salaries to university researchers, the government of Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida in Nigeria, for instance, introduced a policy that enabled professionals practice their profession while remaining in their jobs. This turned many teaching staff to part time university lecturers, devoting much of their time to their private work, and little to research work. Another typical response of the university researchers to the devaluation of the academic integrity manifested in the pattern of economic engagement of scholars at exit from services, which emerged principally during the regime of General Badamosi Babangida. Given the poor welfare package of the university researchers, university teachers were gratefully accepting political positions in the governments as ministers, advisers, and special assistants, sometimes, even without portfolio. The worst scenario arose when the university teachers were being used as instruments to suppress and gag their eloquent and outspoken colleagues as well as implement obnoxious policies. Another dimension of this observation is the increasing rate at which university professors left their jobs to assume offices as traditional rulers even of very small communities where their roles might be very significant or joined the private sector services. The major factor driving this kind of movement is the need to earn income for personal and family maintenance, attain a feeling of actualisation and recognition, which they missed as scholars. This development, which we can consider as deprofessionalisation decreased the active research work force within a decade. The practice of research became a part time affair for those who have the flair and skill for, but not exclusively the purpose of earning a living. Science was therefore being carried out for its own sake and not necessarily for the purpose of adequately solving any problems in the society. According to Galliard et al (1996), these changes in the nature of scientific work in Africa spurred professional and institutional crises marked by the policies that are characterised by laissez-faire principles (Waast, 2001), deprivation of budget and power; the national coordinating bodies as well as many scientific institutions lost direction and became ineffective. Furthermore, there was an erosion of academic oversight and direction. Practically, as national scientific communities became too impoverished or too small to function effectively, science as a profession also became increasingly individualised. Persistent conflict in all spheres, increasing challenges posed by HIV/AIDS pandemic, degraded environment as well as poverty and hunger, and income inequality combined to mount pressures on the government regarding priorities in educational budgets. Stern et al (2005:25) have shown that countries that have located a higher share of their research and development activity in the educational sector have been able to achieve significantly higher patenting productivity. These constraints prevail upon the university from responding effectively to changing education and training needs, adapt to a rapidly shifting tertiary education landscape as well as adopting more flexible modes of organisation. The consequence of this is the emergence of new but very unfavourable university vistas in Africa. 4. New but Unscholarly Research Vistas One fact is emerging from the changes caused by changing international landscape: there is an increasing realization that education is central to the creation and development of intellectual capacity required to foster knowledge production and utilisation. But obviously new and different colours of consciousness are emerging in the developed and developing countries regarding how to address and harness the new competitions that are appearing, as well as roles and modes of operation of traditional institutions and how to exploit the opportunities this new development brings along. Along with this consciousness have come crucial reorganisation in many societies about how to address patterns of financing and governing of the institutions; adoption, creation and implementation of accreditation systems; institutional differentiation and technological innovations. For countries in Africa for instance, a challenge will be how to assimilate the new changes into systems that have not already successfully managed existing local difficulties. Until and even now, African universities have been confronted with the problem of inequalities in access, poor quality and relevance of educational programmes and activities, and effective management structures. While the socio-economic composition of the student body continue to reflect the need for mass education, the institutions continue to be elitist in structure, thus creating a dichotomy between objectives of higher education and the educational outcomes. The university, like any other institutions, are products of their environment as well as carriers of the history that helped to form and shape them. Historical precedent is thus expected to assume an important place in the analysis of the circumstances of the African university. As David (1994, p. 215) observes: Institutions typically evolve new functions and because these are added sequentially they are shaped by internal precedents. Today, we can say that the university in Africa has a different focus from that which is emerging globally. Certain factors mark this focus namely teaching without research, research by nongovernmental organizations without publications, and the total absorption of the university by the government, among others. African universities are involved in teaching mainly and not necessarily in research, a critical activity of the university in the Triple Helix of innovation model. Related to this is the negligible ratio of foreign patent applications to local patent applications, which measures the level of innovative activity in a country by national researchers. While the ratio is 690 to 1 for low-income countries generally, and about 3.3 to 1 in high-income countries (World Bank, 2000), in many developing countries, the idea of patenting is not there at all. The volume of publications on Nigeria as indexed by the ISI databases shows clearly that research is nearly absent, and this is clearly demonstrated by the near straight line pattern of growth in number of publications since 1995 as shown in figures one to three. The proliferation of non-governmental organizations in Nigeria which are led mainly by serving researchers in the universities and which also employ on full time basis the services of trained researchers epitomizes a development in which money obtained from abroad for research purposes are privately invested. These NGOs are themselves both clients of the funding agencies and home government who invariably determine the kind of research they fund as well as the use to which the research products are put. This development was fuelled, not by a natural drift of research consciousness to the non-university sector, but by what could be regarded as a face-off between the international community and sit-tight military interregna that ruled the country over high level of home grown and internationally sponsored official corruption and gross mismanagement of resources. A bibliometric analysis of the publication pattern of selected NGOs in Nigeria shows that the NGOs do engage in action research - aimed at either mass awareness or change in human behaviour. Surveys, when they obtain, are only undertaken to provide a basis for the action research, while basic research is completely absent. The products of the research exercises are mainly research reports submitted to the funding agencies; dissemination through the formal research media seems to be increasingly unpopular (28.7%). At most the NGOs would prefer the popular media of newspapers and magazines (45.12%) to publicize their research activities, a strategy that is not unrelated to the desire to gain cheap popularity and be employed by the governments or international agencies while about 23.18% of the research products are randomly  EMBED Excel.Chart.8 \s  distributed to other deserving public (Nwagwu, 2006). There is some relationship between this development and the fact that research has expanded beyond the university institution. But the pattern of this movement is difficult to measure: research funds are disbursed and used by researchers without any evidence of the research being  EMBED Excel.Chart.8 \s  disseminated through the professional channels A dangerous aspect of this development is that the little research activity that subsists is exercised within a global network in which the local demand for research is not as strong as international, with the implication that the research programmes and objectives are not designed to address local needs. This new research focus condition is not actually on knowledge production but rather on visibility and income for survival, regulated and characterized by market forces. Another dangerous dimension is that research publications are engaged in to earn promotion and not for the purpose of problem solving. Many universities in the country have policies that require their scientists to publish in the developed countries channels in order to rise in ranks because of lack of reliable local channels. This strategy means that the scientists define and carry out heir research following research agenda set by the developed world whose problems are different. Practically, journal and other sources of communication among scientists are known to be low in quality. This situation has been well elaborated by Nwagwu (2005). This spells a further conflict with respect to the objectives of scientific research and a consequent radical shift in the essence of research so that becoming visible internationally, rising in rank, earning bigger salaries and participating in high-level administrative roles in the universities and government are more dominant motives in research than problem solving. 5.0 The Triple Helix and the African University One credo of triple helix model of innovation studies is that knowledge in itself does not transform economies except and until it is used within a complex system of institutions and practices. The TH thesis advocates that the university can play an enhanced role in a knowledgebased society, and that the extent of this role can be analysed in terms of a university-industry-government relation in which each component can take the roles of each other (Leydesdorff, 2001). With research and knowledge generation generally believed to have outgrown the capacity of the traditional university, it has been taken for granted that the industry and government participate in developing practical problem solving knowledge. In the same vein, economic development is also believed to have outgrown the monopoly of government so that the industry and the university take their shares. Leydesdorff and Etzkowitz (2000) posit that the TH generates a network system of interactive spirals as university, industry, and government engage one another to promote economic development and academic research. The entrepreneurial university can be created from this constellation and encompasses and transcends previous academic missions of education and research. The mission of economic development is believed to be increasingly added to that of the reproduction of the knowledge base and the systematic production of scientific novelty. The Triple Helix thesis is about national innovation systems although situated within the modern knowledge base society phenomenon. The thesis is presented to be a linkage of epistemic community of researchers from various disciplines and specialties who share an interest in knowledge exchange processes between university, industry and government. Among others, the theory assumes that these three components of the economy are mutually interlinked; and consist of members who carry out research, and rely on the result of their research outcomes to make policies. The Triple Helix thesis tends to be built on the observation that modern economies are highly science- and technology-intensive at both university, government and industry levels, with a consequent very high level of domestic investment in R&D. Furthermore, the TH model assumes that industry and service sectors have become predominantly knowledge-based and innovation-driven. Also, economies where TH applies have high levels of skilled manpower, possibly explainable by many years of institutionalisation of education, accentuated by the complementarities of the various components of the helix. Moreover, the Triple Helix model itself observes that a university may establish an incubator on the basis of its endogenous capacities; incubation is most productively organized as a cooperative venture between one or more universities, a local government authority, and a consortium of financial institutions interested in enhancing the local innovation environment. The growing role of the university in the new economy goes well beyond providing industry and the state apparatuses with trained personnel and engaging in research that provides a knowledge base for industry to draw upon (Mansfield, 1991). These expectations fit the developed countries, where reforms in the higher education sector recognize that government, universities and industry are partners in development, and not one of the members of triple is a subsidiary to the other. In the circumstances of the university in Africa, these expectations are very idealistic for many African countries for several reasons. Universally, it is known that only a small fraction of university innovations, relative to R&D budgets, is actually utilized by industry. Innovations in the university are becoming moribund because universities are mainly where national workforce is trained and not necessarily where innovation is generated, and both manpower and other infrastructures seem to be suited for this purpose. The universities in Africa are under serious pressure by the government and the industry to meet the manpower needs of the economy while at the same time, the global requirement of the knowledge based society mounts further pressures on the university to conduct research and produce manpower that are responsive to global needs. While the industry pressurizes the universities for a larger number of skilled persons, governments are in addition making demands that universities be accountable and that courses be streamlined to cater for the specific needs of the economy. Despite the disparities in priority given to tertiary education in different parts of the globe, the TH model of innovation has identified a central role for higher education in the new knowledge economy. But universities and governments in Nigeria and many other African countries today face a paradoxical situation in which although the university has lost its leadership in research, the government or the industry did not inherit the fundamental research activity. Government laboratories which have acted as loops for university research face the same apparent contradiction in the face of the agenda of privatisation and commercialisation which have been on the political centre stage since the adjustment years. Science and technology in Africa has never really focused on large and direct support of large firms; emphasis has always been on small and medium enterprises (SMEs). We also see that public authorities do not rely on research for the implementation of new policy objectives but rather upon the expertise of gatekeepers of public sector knowledge. Hence, the pattern of the changing role of universities is not necessarily that of any convergence between universities and government laboratories, or the emergence of new research collectives but rather the absorption and redefinition of the university function by the government. A bibliometric analysis of publications in the biomedical literature of Nigeria showed that the university dominated research activities producing more than 98% of the total papers published in journals during 1967 through 2002. During the same period, the industry and government together produced less than two percent of the total research papers. This raises questions about the much-heralded diffusion of the research enterprise from the university to non-university sectors (Nwagwu, 2005). The universities seem to have ceased from being producers of knowledge but rather places where workforce for the government and industry is produced. Another bibliometric analysis of government publications in Nigeria between 1995 and 2005 shows that 98.41% of the citations in those publications come from back numbers government publications. The rest are references to international circulations such as World Bank, while reference to publications from the universities and research institutions were nearly absent (Nwagwu, 2005). There is no doubting the fact that tertiary education landscape is changing all over the world, with increasing evidence that the university walls are collapsing. There is an increasing tendency for networking locally and across national borders. Allam and Nwagwu (2006) have discussed the nature of this development in Africa and how African institutions are responding to it as well as constraints to their maximal benefits. But the central role of government has also been emphasised. Stiglitz (2001) put it succinctly government does have a role --- a role in education, in encouraging the kind of creativity and risk taking that the scientific entrepreneurship requires, in creating the institutions that facilitate ideas being brought into fruition, and a regulatory and tax environment that rewards this kind of activity Stiglitz (2001, p116) Until this happens, the pattern of government funding of universities will favour covering administrative costs and some degree of maintenance while researchers who wish to carry out fundamental research would look elsewhere for their funding. The results of these researches will hardly address relevant problems in the society since sometimes; the piper determines both the instrument to be used as well as the tune. Hence, the amount of R&D, which is an important source of learning for innovation, carried out in universities and firms are significantly lower than is found in advanced industrial countries. In addition, many of the innovative activities in firms are imitative and product-related rather than process-centred. Again, the functions of the production systems are different. For instance, industrial production in the USA is more specialized in R&D-intensive hi-tech products; and public-sector research, for example at universities, is more closely linked to industry, performing R&D functions that private-sector firms fulfilled in Japan, for instance (Edquist and Texier, 1996). Also, the competence building capacity of organizations such as universities and training centres, many of which were set up expressly to produce manpower, is smaller and in most African countries has failed to meet the challenges of the new and more competitive global economy (Oyelaran-Oyeyinka and Barclay, 2003). Furthermore, the competence building capacity of organizations such as universities and training centres, many of which were set up expressly to produce manpower, is smaller and in most African countries has failed to meet the challenges of the new, more competitive global economy (Oyelaran-Oyeyinka and Barclay, 2003). Also, the function of information exchange is usually very weakly coordinated or not coordinated at all in most African countries. In the SIs of advanced economies, the flow of information is much greater and access to it is generally easier, even for non-specialists, although a significant proportion of R&D information is withheld from the public domain because it consists of trade secrets. Furthermore, although the regulatory functions of SIs differ in all countries, these differences are more pronounced in Africa. Some countries have almost no regulatory institutions for dealing with imported new technologies. For example, most African countries are at very early stages of developing biosafety systems to regulate the introduction and release of genetically modified (GM) organisms. The pattern of public investment in education in the recent years also short-changes the original expectation and motivation for higher education as shown in Nwagwu (2005). The same goes for the pattern of spending by rich organizations and individuals, which tell a lot about public perception of the university as a citadel of learning. An enduring practice in the developed world is that those who have become financially visible often invest their wealth in such a way to contribute in solving human problems. Hence we hear of Cater Foundation, Bill Clinton Foundation, and Macarthur Foundation, etc, all of which fund research activities at various levels including universities. Such initiatives are not identifiable in Nigeria where politicians and ex-heads of states and presidents, and military and industrial giants use their wealth to sponsor political activities. A new educational business investment vista was opened up to the rich in Nigeria in the aegis of private universities, a development that would have been propelled by the realization that the public institutions are insufficient both in number and capacity to cater for the teaming student population. However their for-profit motives is likely to compromise the quality of education in countries where evidence of education is a license for survival. The government itself seems to be conscious of the fact that the university dream has been derailed, although there is no expression of consciousness that government policies and actions are accountable for the diminishing of the university responsibility. In a recent address, for instance, the president of Nigeria called on Nigerian universities to audit and rationalise the courses taught in the universities, observing that many of the courses are not relevant to the need of the economy. Not altogether incorrect, this call shows that the university and the government are moving in different directions, and not necessarily as complementary entities for the benefit of mankind. 6.0 Concluding Remark: Adjusting the Wellhead, Recognising Innovation Divide The exponents of the TH have suggested that TH model evolves dynamic configurations ranging from Triple Helix One in which the nation state encompasses academia and industry and directs the relations between them to Triple Helix Two, which consists of separate institutional spheres with strong borders dividing them. The TH3 has high knowledge infrastructure which overlap institutional spheres, with each taking the role of the other and with hybrid organizations emerging at the interfaces, Among these three configurations, TH Three has become universalised over the others: the Triple Helix I is largely viewed as a failed developmental model, which has little room for "bottom up" initiatives. On the other hand, TH Two has been assessed as entailing a laissez-faire policy strategy (Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff 2000). The world is characterised by divides of all sorts, the most popular seems to be the digital divide. A major factor influencing digital divide is related to the ability and capacity of different human communities to mobilise for the application of digital technologies, and this affects the pattern of exploitation of globalisation dividends as well as the extent of compliance with the expectations of the knowledge society. These factors are also very strong driving factors of innovation in the TH perspective. Recognising the differences engendered by the divides could be a basis for redistribution of global wealth, or a basis for perpetuating the haves and have nots boundaries. But the reality is that despite the observed complementarity of roles among university, industry and government, all regions of the world are not yet at the same level where the TH Three could apply. Hence, the various configurations of the TH could be differentially applied to different communities according to their peculiar circumstances, recognising their varied institutional arrangements in the universityindustry-government relations. None of the  models can be generalisable to all regions of the world in accordance with the divide that has become part of the global system. We surmise that the wellhead of the TH Three appears very narrow to accommodate the African university in its present circumstances, and suggest the model will not explain innovation systems in Africa for a very long time to come. This suggestion is not a problem to the TH theory; human societies are not homogeneous and universal monotonous social models may be elusive. A factor driving this suggestion is the observation that countries that want to improve their innovation capacity have to make significant efforts to acquire and maintain critical mass of appropriate infrastructure, institutions, and human resources that function in concert to allow benefits to accrue, a feat the circumstances of most developing countries cannot carry now. The institutionalisation of new social technologies may require new law, new organizational forms, new sets of expectations (Nelson and Sampat, 2001, p. 49). The corollary is that, in a situation of economic backwardness, changes to institutions will most likely be unfavourable, just as technological innovation itself may be equally rare, or even non-existent. Institutional changes become even more crucial at a time of humanly engineered or induced change in economic conditions. Innovations differ in size and the degree from one region to the other according to differences in economic and political circumstances and priorities of the countries and regions. Although the developing countries generally have increased their share of worldwide export to 30% by 1990, which is higher than the previous years, the pattern of this development is dominated by the contribution of the rich and hi-tech developing countries (Lall, 2000). Now, not many studies are being carried out in the area of innovation systems in Africa, thus creating a gap in the availability of knowledge usable in policy making. There does not seem to be any consciousness at all that the changing pattern of the role of knowledge in the society would significantly affect what is known about innovation systems. Empirical evidences about the applicability of the triple helix have also concentrated on developed economies. There is also an observation of increasing exclusion of many countries of the South in the growing international cross border collaboration, thus debarring them from benefiting from the free culture of knowledge sharing. Although cutting-edge is not necessarily the credo of innovation systems, even the mundane essential research is hardly obtaining. 7.0 References Abramowitz, M. (1956). Resource and Output Trends in the United States since 1870, American Economic Review, 46, pp5-23. Allam, A and Nwagwu, W. (2006). Opportunities and Challenges of Elearning Networks in Africa. Development 49 2, pp86-92. Arthur, W. B. (1989). 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Sectoral patterns of technical change: towards a theory and a taxonomy, Research Policy, 13, 343-73. Solow, R. M. (1957). Technical Progress and the Aggregate Production Function. Review of Economics and Statistics, 39, 312-320. Stern, S; Michael E.P; Jeffrey, L.F (2005). The determinants of national innovative Capacity. NBER Working Paper 7876. National Bureau of Economic Research. (Cambridge Massachusetts). Stiglitz, J. (2001). Public Policy for a knowledge economy. Available  HYPERLINK "http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/extme/knowledge-economy.pdf" http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/extme/knowledge-economy.pdf, accessed 22/07/2006) United Nations Development Programme (2002) Human Development Report, ( HYPERLINK "http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2002/en/" http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2002/en/ January 2005). Waast, R. and Gaillard, J. (2002) Science in Africa at the Dawn of the 21st Century, EU/French Ministry of Foreign Affairs Report, FFM, Paris. World Bank. (1997). 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