Warning: session_start(): open(/tmp/sess_f3448015c1c3a0f6938bb21a608021d2, O_RDWR) failed: Read-only file system (30) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php on line 802

Warning: session_start(): Cannot send session cookie - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php on line 802

Warning: session_start(): Cannot send session cache limiter - headers already sent (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php on line 802

Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php on line 675

Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php on line 676

Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php on line 677

Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php on line 678

Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php on line 679

Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/modules/filestore/classes/fileupload_class_inc.php on line 329

Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/modules/filestore/classes/fileupload_class_inc.php on line 334
ࡱ> ÿ%` bjbjٕ . lB D%  $hC       g$ 0%QQQ > , $  %  $   "Donkeys of the University": Organizational culture and its impact on South African women administrators Reitumetse Obakeng Mabokela (Dept of Educational Administration, Michigan State University) Abstract This article examines workplace experiences of six senior women administrators in South African institutions of higher education. Given that women have historically been under-represented and continue to be under-represented in the higher education sector, it is important to gain insights into their experiences and to inform the process of creating institutional environments that are supportive of their professional endeavors. Introduction "Donkeys of the University" is a metaphor that one senior administrator used to describe her condition as the first woman to occupy a high ranking administrative position in the history of her university. In her assessment, women are expected to work hard like donkeys, but do not always receive the recognition and rewards befitting their efforts. As she explained, My position sounds glamorous but it is very, very hard work .... Not so long ago, we had a seminar with other (women) colleagues who occupy senior administrative positions similar to mine. I facilitated a small group activity where each group had to name itself ... Groups came up with interesting names but Donkeys of the University prevailed. The primary goal of this article is to examine workplace experiences of six senior women administrators in South African institutions of higher education. Given that women have historically been under-represented and continue to be under-represented in the higher education sector, it is important to gain insights into their experiences and to inform the process of creating institutional environments that are supportive of their professional endeavors. According to the 1996 report of the National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE), the distribution of women among faculty and administrators does not reflect the demographic profile of the larger society. Based on the 1996 population census, the total population of South Africa is 40 million, of which 75% are African, 7% Colored, 3% Indian/Asian, and 15% White.' Women comprise 52% of the total population while men constitute 48% (Central Statistic Service 1998). The system of higher education is polarized along racial lines, with more prestigious faculty and administrative positions occupied predominantly by White males. Blacks and women tend to be relegated to the lower ranks with a disproportionate number in service as opposed to academic and administrative positions. Gender inequities are pervasive in the allocation of key administrative positions. A study conducted by Mabokela (2000) demonstrates that in a thirteen-year period between 1983-1995, the proportion of women in senior administrative positions at one prestigious university increased very slightly from 14.55% in 1983 to 15.35 percent. At another university in the same region of the country the representation of women administrators was similarly dismal. The one woman administrator on the staff in 1983 represented 1.72% of the senior administrators, compared to 57 male colleagues. Thirteen years later in 1995, there were 5 women administrators representing 5.15% of the senior administrative staff, compared to 92 males 94.85% (Mabokela 2000). While the examples cited were obtained from two universities, the patterns of female under-representation noted are reflective of trends observed at other South African universities and technikons.2 South African institutions of higher education are still undergoing a process of massive transformation to carve a new identity as inclusive, equitable institutions. In June 2000, a task team from the Council on Higher Education released a report that outlined proposals for major reorganization of South Africa's 36 institutions of higher education. The report proposed structural changes and institutional mergers to promote to equity, quality, development, effectiveness, and efficiency (Council on Higher Education Report 2000). While there has been a concerted effort to redress vestiges of past racial discrimination and attain racial equity, the same enthusiasm has not been devoted to gender issues. The African National Congress-led government has set a good example by appointing a significant number of women to key government positions as ministers and deputy ministers. Beyond this visible government parade of women, other organizations such as postsecondary institutions seem to be moving lethargically towards meaningful inclusion of women in their ranks. A critical examination of the reflections of the South African women administrators raises a number of key questions: where do the experiences of South African women scholars and administrators fit within the global discourse of gender equity within the university? Are their experiences unique and particular to the political, social, and cultural context of South Africa? Are there common themes that transcend their gendered experience as women in the academy? Theoretical framework/literature review A review of the literature on women in higher education suggests that the marginalization of women scholars and administrators, with varying degrees of success and disparities, is a global phenomenon. For example, Brooks (1997) research on academic women in the United Kingdom and New Zealand reveals disturbing patters of exclusion for female students, faculty and administrators. Although patterns of representation of female students in the UK have shifted from complete exclusion at the turn of the 20th century, to the point where they represented 50% of the student population in the 1990s, female scholars and administrators continue to be marginalized. That is, the increase in the student population has not translated into a significant change in the representation of female faculty and administrators, even in departments where female students have been heavily recruited. Brooks (1997) notes that in 1991, female faculty comprised 4.7% of full professors compared to 95.3% of their male counterparts, 10.3% of senior lecturers and readers compared to 89.7% for male faculty, and 23.1% of lecturers compared to 76.9% for their male colleagues. Further, a disproportionately high percentage of women are employed as contract workers (non-tenure track) and occupy the lowest academic ranks, that is, lecturers, junior lecturers, or tutors (Brooks 1997). Similar patterns of inequity are prevalent in institutions of higher education in other countries including Canada (Acker and Feuerverger 1997), Norway and the Netherlands (Malik and Lie 2000). While the socio-cultural conditions and political particularities in these countries differ significantly from each other, the conditions of female academics are remarkably similar. Research conducted among Canadian women faculty demonstrates similar patterns and further highlights the institutionalization of inequitable practices (Acker and Feuerverger 1997). That is, the experiences of women faculty are not isolated accounts that affect only a small group, but a systematic process through which universities fail to address issues that impact a significant segment of their population. Acker's (1994) work reveals similarly disturbing themes of inequity in pay, fewer opportunity for promotion and tenure, imbalance in the workload, sexual harassment, and what Brooks 01997) identifies as "violence" in academic life. In the case of the United States where affirmative action policies have been in existence for more than two decades, there is continuing resistance and persistence of discriminatory practices that impede the ability of women faculty to participate at their optimal level. Women faculty regardless of their rank and institutional prestige, raise concerns about the need for supportive institutional cultures, equitable salary policies, appointment of women to administrative positions, appointment of women to tenure-stream positions, and implementation of women-friendly policies such as parental leave (Glazer 1997; Brooks 1997; Acker and Feuerverger 1997; Martin 2000).African women scholars and administrators fit within the global discourse of gender equity within the academy? Are their experiences unique and particular to the political, social, and cultural context of South Africa? Are there common themes that transcend their gendered experience as women in the academy? The study on which this article is based, is informed by an understanding of the global experiences of women scholars and administrators. As the preceding discussion indicates, there are common threads that transcend professional experiences of women scholars and administrator regardless of their social, political and cultural context. These women's experiences point to institutionalized practices of inequity rather than isolated cases of exclusion. These practices constitute what Cox (1994) would characterize as the organizational culture; that is, those norms, values, beliefs that strongly influence how "minority-status" groups are treated by their majority counterparts. Strong organizational cultures provide cues on how to behave and establish reinforcing expectations to influence organizational members. In these strong organizational cultures, minorities are required to conform to the values and norms of the majority culture with limited opportunities to assert their own beliefs. Because the majority establishes work norms, it establishes rules and regulations with which people of color and others who occupy "minoritystatus" are expected to comply. In the case of the women administrators in this study, they certainly represent a "minority status" group within the structure of their university. While women are not necessarily under-represented within the wider society or the broader university community - a disproportionate number occupy lower administrative, academic or service positions - they are grossly under-represented in senior ranks. Kanter's (1977) research on women employed in mostly White male organizations identifies three perceptual tendencies that impact how underrepresented individuals are perceived within organizations in which they are in the minority. The first perceptual tendency is that the women in her study, whom she refers to as "tokens", have higher visibility than majority workers do. As a result, "tokens" are subject to performance pressures to ensure that they maintain the normative cues of the organization. Polarization or exaggeration of differences is the second perceptual tendency. The presence of a person bearing a different set of characteristics makes members of a majority group more aware both of their commonalities with and their differences from the "token." There is a tendency to exaggerate the extent of these differences, especially because under-represented individuals are too few in numbers to prevent the application of familiar generalizations or stereotypes. Assimilation, the third perceptual tendency, reflects the stereotypical assumptions about "tokens" leading to status leveling and role entrapment. Kanter's three perceptual tendencies often create performance pressures where "tokens" become isolated and entrapped by the organization. Given that Kanter's study is based on White women, it offers important insights about the significance of gender in male-dominated institutions; however, it does not address race. In the context of South African higher education, the intersection of race and gender is pivotal to the understanding of how women across the four racial groups (African, Colored, Indian, White) navigate the complex nature of their common struggle against gender discrimination, but also negotiate their (sometimes) competing agendas for racial equality. Drawing from the experience of scholars and administrators of color in the United States, some (Curry 2000; Turner and Myers 2000; Gregory 1999; Lindsay 1994; Welch 1992) contend that race continues to occupy a pivotal position in academic environments that Turner and Myers (2000) characterize as a "chilly climate." One of the major problems is a phenomenon Kanter (1977) identifies as "tokenism", a problem that Maori scholars (Brooks 1997) identify as prevalent and problematic to their advancement as scholars. That is, due to the small representation of women in predominantly male organizations, they tend to be subjected to treatment that compromises the professional contributions they could make within their organizations. While the female scholars in the US academic context are not numerically under-represented at the lower academic ranks, they are underrepresented within the upper ranks of the university structure. For women of color, they are not only under-represented relative to their male counterparts, but are similarly under-represented among their female peers. That is, they occupy what Cox (1994) refers to as "minority status" and are thus subjected to the same ill treatment as Kanter's tokens. This "token" status presents a number of challenges for the women including scrutiny of their professional abilities, the need to constantly prove themselves and being pigeonholed into restricted roles. The preceding discussion captures the broader context within which to place and to understand the experience of South African women administrators. While the socio-political conditions of South Africa are different, the findings (discussed later in this article) reveal more threads of commonality. The discussion to which I turn explains the methods and procedures employed in this study. Methods and procedures Data collection The findings reported in this article are based on intensive open-ended interviews with six Black women in senior administrative positions. In the context of this study, senior administrator includes department chairperson, director of an academic or research unit, dean, registrar, or vice-Chancellor (equivalent to a university president in the US system). These administrators are employed at four diverse academic institutions including two historically Black universities, an historically White university and a technikon. Given the development of post-secondary institutions along racial and ethnic lines in South Africa (for a detailed discussion see Mabokela 2000; Subotzky 1997; Muller 1991; Keto 1990; Kallaway 1984), these institutions have particular characteristics that are informed by this legacy. Therefore, the professional experiences of these women are intricately related to and informed by the type of institution where they are employed, as well as by their status as Blacks and women in a social structure that is still plagued by racial and gender disparities. These data constitute a component of a larger research project in which I interviewed a total of twenty-six female scholars and administrators. This article focuses on six women who are somewhat unique in that they occupy some of the most senior ranking positions within their institutions. Their situation is even more remarkable because they are the first Black and/or woman in the history of their institutions to command this type of authority. It is thus important to understand the professional experiences of these scholar-administrators. Three factors were taken into consideration when selecting the four institutions included in this study. First, the institutions reflect the diversity that exists across different types of higher education institutions within South Africa. Second, their geographic location, that is, three of the institutions in this study are located in urban areas and the fourth is situated in a rural area. Third, the mix of institutions provides an opportunity to include women in a variety of administrative positions. The data were gathered through intensive open-ended interviews. These interviews varied in duration from 1.5 hours to 3 hours. The interviews aimed to capture each participant's personal experience as a senior administrator. Each interview was tape-recorded and later transcribed. The data were coded for emergent themes that are discussed in detail. As the discussion of these themes demonstrates each woman's account is unique, however there were common incidents that transcended all of their experiences. Participants3 The six senior administrators in this article represent a subset of the 26 women scholars I interviewed across a number of South African Universities in 1999. They represent a small but dynamic group of educational leaders in the changing landscape of South African higher education. The following is brief synopsis of the participants: Professor Patel is the most senior ranking woman administrator at City Technikon. She has been in her current leadership position for one-and-a half years. She was a faculty member and occupied a number of administrative positions at another university before assuming her current position. Dr Sithole, the activist-scholar, is the founder and director of a rural development research center at Rural University. She has extensive development experience acquired during her years in political exile. Professor Langa has been at her university since 1993. As the most senior ranking woman at her institution, she has been in her current administrative position for two years. She brings more than twenty-five years of experience acquired during her tenure at a number of universities in Europe. Ms. Mkhize is the director of Student affairs at Seashore University. At the time of this research, she had been in the director position for a year after serving as an acting director for a year. Dr Themba has been in her current position as the Dean of Academic Development at City Technikon for six months. She worked as faculty member in North America prior to joining City. Ms. Mosiane is the newly appointed director of the Employment Equity office at City Technikon, a position that was created as direct response to the government's passage of the Employment Equity Act and the Skills Development Act. Prior to joining City, she worked for more than ten years at another historically Black university. The six administrators in this study are employed at three universities and one technikon located along the East coast of South Africa. What is notable about these institutions is that they have all undergone (or are undergoing) massive transformation to create more inclusive institutional structures as required by the African National Congress-led government. This process of transformation has raised issues related to gender and racial equity that many of these institutions have historically not address. It is within this context of major and rapid changes that the administrators in this study have to operate. Seashore University is an historically White university, also referred to as an historically advantaged university, created in the early 1900s to serve English-speaking White South Africans (Muller 1991; Mabokela 2000b) 4 Since the early 1990s, the student enrollment patterns changed rapidly to the point where Blacks now comprise the majority of the student body. Coastline University was established in 1961 as an historically Black teaching university, with the primary responsibility of preparing graduates who would be ready to enter the workforce immediately after completion of their baccalaureate degrees. Rural University was founded in the 1970s as a homeland university. In its early years, senior faculty members and administrators were White males who were seconded from Afrikaans-language universities. Since its inception, the students were almost exclusively African. City Technikon was established in the 1960s to primarily provide post-secondary vocational training. Historically, there was little interaction between technikons and universities and virtually no academic transfers across these types of institutions. While the four institutions described above have different histories, there are two striking commonalities: first, the racial composition of their student body has significantly since the early 1990s, however, their administrative and faculty ranks have remained virtually unchanged. Second and most significantly, women continue to be grossly under-represented in the middle to upper echelons of these institutions. The discussion to which I turn explores in detail key themes that emerged from various conversations with the participants. Resistance to administrators authority Donkeys of the University is the dominant theme that pervades the experiences of the six participants in this study. As donkeys, these administrators are frequently charged with challenging responsibilities within their institutions, but do not receive the respect and recognition befitting their efforts. Instead, their experiences are characterized by resistance, which manifest in ways ranging from psychological pressure to undermining of the women's authority to the impact of societal norms and expectations. Psychological pressures of "tokenism" All the participants in this study represent a small but slowly increasing cadre of emergent leaders in the context of South African higher education. With few exceptions, they have been in their current positions as senior administrators for less than three years, a pattern that has also been noted at other South African institutions of higher education. While it is quite exciting for these women to be trailblazers, there are serious challenges that come with the position of being the first or the only. Kanter (1977) contends that women whom she identifies as "tokens" in predominantly male organizations, are placed under constant psychological pressure, scrutiny from colleagues, and isolation because of their small numbers. The administrators in this study echoed some of the concerns raised by Kanter. While they do not characterize themselves as "tokens", they acknowledge that their chronic under-representation places them in the spotlight, where they are always under scrutiny by their male colleagues in particular, but also by other women. It is impossible for these individuals to remain anonymous and have any privacy, when all of their actions are public. Dr. Langa at Rural University succinctly captures the daily pressures that surround her and other women colleagues who are under perpetual scrutiny: There are pressures, very serious psychological pressures to do well and to do better. I spend enormous number of hours in this office, in evenings and on weekends. I spend very long hours here. As much as I enjoy hard work, I know I cannot afford to fail and I know I share this with other women. There is also a problem of how things you say and do are interpreted. Very often you think to yourself, this wouldn't be said to a man, or that wouldn't be dumped on a man. You cannot be sure that something is not happening because you are a woman. (Dr. Langa, Rural University) The psychological pressures that Dr. Langa identifies in the preceding statement resonate with experiences shared by the many of the senior administrators in this study. However, Dr. Patel offers a different perspective on how she negotiates her position. While she acknowledges that some male counterparts have a problem with her being in a position of authority, she diffuses the potential pressure of scrutiny by being assertive, proactive and innovative. As she explains: Large numbers of men find it very difficult to deal with a woman who is very assertive. It's easy to sense that they do not want to take instructions from me. I am not popular. I don't have problem with the fact that I'm not popular. The pressure has not gotten to me. I don't believe that I'm under pressure because I'm doing my job. If there was a male in this position, he would have to do precisely what I am doing. Perhaps our style of operation would be different. (Dr. Patel, City Technikon) While the participants in this study do not view themselves as "tokens", they all recognize the "token status" they assume by being the only, or one of very few women in a senior administrative position on their campus. Women as adversaries The administrators in this study do not only experience resistance from their male colleagues, but from their female counterparts as well. As several of them reported, some women are more tolerant of male power and readily accept male authority. Yet, they constantly question and undermine rather than support women in positions of seniority. This is phenomenon one the administrators described as the "P.H.D. syndrome", that is, the "Pull Her Down" attitude. The following explanation of the "pull her down" attitude succinctly captures how it manifests. You know, we as women don't always support each other. That's a problem. If you are a successful woman, it's not like everybody will be supportive. There is a lot of that here. A male boss can tell you where to get off, but a female can't. My supervisor is having a tough time up there. She is a woman and our society is very patriarchal. You often hear people say "what's wrong with this auntie?" That's how they respond to her. They don't give her the respect and deference that a person in a very senior position at this institution deserves ... As a woman, you get these snide remarks but you just have to rise above that. When you do something good, don't expect good feedback and acknowledgement. That's the attitude. This lack of support from other women places the senior administrators in a tenuous position. On the one hand, they all expressed the need to mentor other women so as to establish a critical mass of women scholars and administrators, and to avoid isolation of the very few women in key positions. On the other, in order to survive and be successful in their current positions where they are under constant scrutiny, they have to create a cushion of support for themselves. This isolation can be further exacerbated by the interaction of race and gender. While women have a common struggle against gender discrimination, in South Africa's racialized history, there is a lurking reality of competing agendas for racial equality for women across the four racial groups (African, Colored, Indian, White). Intersection of race and gender The intersection of race and gender adds another layer of complexity to the perception of these administrators as individuals with authority. In the history of South African higher education, rewards, promotions and opportunities were allocated along racial lines, rather than based on one's accomplishments and achievements. In addition, in a society where women were viewed as "legal minors" who could not enter into any legal contracts without permission of male relatives, it is still challenging to see women as occupying positions higher than those held by their male counterparts. While archaic laws restricting women's participation in society have been repealed, there are lingering attitudes that still portray women as "minors" and thus incapable of leading and commanding authority. Dr. Sithole shared a number of incidents where her colleagues at the neighboring historically White university frequently attempted to undermine her because the research center that she founded and directs is located at historically Black university. There is another battle with the White universities in this (province). You know, they always think they are better and all good ideas belong to them. At first, these White universities did not want to participate. They were very stand-offish in the beginning. But they realized that they would lose some good opportunities. Plus, we (at Rural University) really do have extensive understanding of issues related to rural development. Our combined efforts could really help the people of this province. Despite these earlier episodes of resistance, I am getting more support from some of the White universities. It is evident from Dr. Sithole's statement that while institutions are struggling to create a more inclusive intellectual environment, there are still lingering elements of the "old" system that was grounded in racial and gender disparities. In the South African context, the race issue is further complicated by perceived differences in levels of oppression among Africans, Colored, and Indians/Asians. While all three groups experienced repression under the apartheid, some contend that Indians and Coloreds had slightly better opportunities than their African counterparts. Therefore, this lingering perception of privilege among the "disadvantaged groups" still manifests in the higher education sector. For example, City was historically designated for Indians. Since the mid-1990s, the student population at City has become increasingly African. In fact, at the time of this research in 1999, the student population was majority African. In contrast, the faculty and administrative staff are still more than 90% Indian or White. The appointment of Ms. Mosiane, an African woman, to a senior administrative position raised some rumblings among some of the traditional constituents at this institution. Resistance to her authority is three pronged: first, she is African at an Indian institution; second, she is a woman in a male-heavy administrative structure; and third, she occupies a position that requires her to enforce the newly establish equity requirement. This is how Ms. Mosiane explained the precarious position of African professionals at her institution: Africans don't stay long here. Sometimes we get so frustrated. Indians feel that this is their home. Often, Africans will come and go. There are times when we feel it's time to leave, but we won't be doing any good (at this institution) if we just leave. We have to bring about change. The Indians resist change. They can make life very miserable here ... There's always a factor that you are an outsider. The Zulus don't accept you, the Indians don't, the Whites don't. So you feel very isolated here. But, I don't believe in giving up. If I leave, it will be because I want to, or I have better opportunities elsewhere, not because I am bitter. (Ms. Mosiane, City Technikon) Coupled with issues of race and gender, is the concept of class. While the administrators in this study did not explicitly address class, they acknowledged their elite status relative to other women scholars. For example, as women with graduate level education, many with Ph.Ds or working towards them, and exposure to studies abroad, they have experiences that the majority of their counterparts do not have. They did not necessarily inherit their current "privileged" position from their family background, for example, some had to work for a number of years to secure enough funding to support their university studies; four had to work full-time to support their families and pursue their university studies as part-time students; others were forced into exile because of hostile political circumstances. Therefore, they earned their current privilege through academic and professional accomplishments. Proving one's worth At this period of massive transformation of South African higher education,5 the senior administrators in this study do not only interact with their peers at their respective institutions, but frequently have to interact with government officials. For example, the Equity Officer has to monitor and report the progress of her institution on equity issues to the Department of Labor to ensure compliance with the new equity guidelines provided by this department. Similarly, the Director of a research center that collaborates with the Ministry of Agriculture on some projects, has to maintain close links with a different set of colleagues outside the academic arena. These interactions introduce another set of dynamics with respect to the way the authority of the women administrators is received outside their sphere of operation. To illustrate the complexity of these relationships, Dr. Sithole shared her experiences with some of the "government bureaucrats" on the Center's board of directors. In her assessment many of government representatives on the board do not have a clear understanding of the project and yet have to make critical decisions about the future direction of the Center. For instance, a few days before our interview Dr. Sithole and the board members had a strategic planning retreat to plan the center's activities for the next few years. Although she prepared all the reports and working papers discussed at this meeting, she did not receive any credit for the fact that the ideas represented were all hers. As she explained: I have a problem with government members on the board of directors. In my analysis, they don't have a clear understanding of the mission and vision of this center. But you know men, they always think they know it all. Some of them have a problem with this woman who seems to know so much about the issue. They don't understand issues related to rural development and how to deal with these issues. I can tell some of them have a problem with the fact that there is this woman leading them, who knows what to do. Sometimes I feel some of them just want to throw their weight around to make me feel they are the boss. They can't accept the fact that there is something they don't know. That's part of the problem. It also has to do with the fact that I am a woman. If I were a man, they would not have some of these issues. (Dr. Sithole, Rural University) Impact of societal norms on institutional acculturation A number of the administrators reported that societal (cultural) norms and expectations often influenced the way in which their colleagues interacted with them and sometimes interfered with their ability to perform their work as professionals. Ms. Mzwanele explained that some of her colleagues, especially those who had some respectable social standing within the community, or those who knew her parents, sometimes treated her like a child rather than a professional woman. As she reflected: Sometimes you find that I am here working with people who are friends with my father. Instead of talking to me as a professional, they will go home to my father and say, "talk to your daughter. She is not behaving well. She is rude to me." So you find that people who have no business interfering with your work come to you and say, "Professor so-and-so says you are rude to him. You must be careful how you talk to him." Now I have to explain myself. With us women, we have to explain ourselves all the time. Otherwise our professional actions are misinterpreted. (Ms. Mzwanele, Rural University) Despite the fact that this administrator occupied a very senior position within the university, the social and cultural norms prescribed that she should defer to her male colleagues because she was younger and did not have the seniority bestowed them by their by their socio-cultural standing. These cultural expectations if unchallenged, would compromise her ability to perform duties that came with her role as the director of her department. The constant conflict between societal norms and values, and the professional expectations these participants had, compromised the process of acculturation that would be necessary for both the women administrators and their male colleagues. As noted by Cose (1993) the process of acculturation should be a two-way exchange, rather than immersion of the new entrants (women) into the existing organizational culture. Other administrators shared concerns about being treated as "wives" rather than competent administrators. In the socially constructed role of the wife, their male counterparts, even those in lower ranks, undermine their expertise and expect them to "serve them like their wives would at home." These social expectations manifest in the responsibilities that women administrators are assigned. For example, one administrator noted that in meetings (where she is often the only woman), they frequently expect her to take minutes, despite the fact that there is a (male) secretary whose role it is to do this. Or, her male subordinates frequently overstep her and go directly to her male counterparts if they have problems; even if their issues are directly related to her department. Sometimes her male colleagues will even go to the extent of asking her to organize refreshments for their meetings, a task that is clearly not part of her responsibility. Unfortunately, she does not always receive the support of her senior colleagues who "defer to their maleness, rather than professional protocol." Dr. Patel explained the impact of these socio-cultural expectations: Culture plays a major, major, role. This is a patriarchal society. Women should not be in these positions. I should be at home, not in a decisionmaking position. This mindset needs to change. There is this attitude that "a woman can't tell us what to do." They truly have a problem with the fact that I occupy a top-notch position here. What is evident from the experiences of the participants in this study is that gender issues are still peripheral to the transformation process that many South African universities are undergoing. While many institutions are now required by recently passed legislation to address racial and gender disparities, emphasis is still placed on race issues. As one administrator succinctly conveyed the current attitude, "our institutions will be Black before they are gender sensitive." Concluding reflections Accounts of the six administrators as donkeys of their universities highlight the way in which institutional cultures continue to marginalize women administrators and scholars. In essence, there continues to be resistance to the women's authority, which manifest in a variety of ways ranging from psychological pressures to the need to prove their worth and expertise, to tensions created by the intersection of race and gender. Given the experiences that the senior administrators in this study shared, how do South African institutions of higher education create institutional cultures that support the professional lives of women administrators and not treat them like "donkeys of the university?" The participants identified a number of strategies at the individual level to create more supportive environments for other women. First, they pledged their commitment to support and mentor other women, especially those in lower academic and administrative positions. As revealed by the data most of those participants did not always receive mentorship and support from within their institutions, they all identified other colleagues, especially outside their university structures, who had been instrumental in their success as administrators. Second, all the participants emphasized the need for women candidates not only to be qualified, but also to "market themselves." They explained the women are frequently socialized to diminish their accomplishments and to minimize achievements, as a "way of being feminine", often at the expense of getting positions for which they are well qualified. Third, the administrators emphatically did not perceive themselves as "tokens", appointed only to appease the current call for gender equity. Although their position of being the only or one of very few women at the top does have pressures, they are empowered enough to effect some changes within their units or departments. Finally, these administrators saw the need to create a network of support with other women administrators within and beyond their institutions to avoid loneliness and isolation. While the women pointed to individual strategies to address gender inequities, there need to be more institutional efforts that are not dependent on the efforts of particular individuals. It is imperative for South African universities and technikons to establish a systematic agenda to attain gender equity. The data in this study suggest the need for systematic institutional or government based responses to address gender disparities. These measures may include establishment of administrative structures such as equity offices to monitor progress towards equitable inclusion and representation of women scholars and administrators. While some universities and technikons have recently established such offices, they do not yet operate as an integral part of the transformation machinery. Other institutional interventions could include annual evaluation of goals and targets to increase the representation of women scholar s and administrators across various levels of the university and a systematic process of enforcing equity measures that already exist. At the governmental level, a number of new laws have been passed. However, their enforcement continues to be a challenge across many institutions of higher education. There needs to be an effective process of sanctioning those who fail to comply with equity measures. This study highlights a few of the issues confronting women administrators and scholars in South African institutions of higher education. There are a number of areas that require further inquiry. First, a systematic examination of the role or intersection of social class on the professional experiences of women scholars. Second, an examination of policies and practices that address strategies to attain gender equity. Third, an investigation of how current transformation policies address gender issues and seek to create environments that are supportive to women scholars and administrators. Finally, an examination of institutional strategies implemented to create more inclusive organizational cultures. Notes 1. The racial classification terms used in this paper carry particular historical undertones specific to the South African context. The author acknowledges that these terms are contentious particularly as South Africa attempts to shed its legacy of apartheid, and carve a new identity as a democratic country. As remnants of the apartheid past are still pervasive in institutions of higher education, these terms are used to facilitate a concise discussion. In the context of this paper African refers to people of indigenous ancestry. Colored refers to South Africans of mixed heritage, usually Dutch, African, Malay and Khoisan heritage. Indian refers to people of Indian descent, and White refers to South Africans of European descent. The term Black is used to refer collectively to Africans, Coloreds, and Indians. 2. Technikons are post-secondary education institutions that structurally and functionally fall between U.S. community colleges and traditional four-year colleges. They were established as vocational education centers to provide practical technical training. They evolved over time to become technical colleges, and since 1995 they have been certified to grant Bachelor (B Tech), Masters (M Tech), and Doctoral (D Tech) Degrees in Technology. 3. The names of all the participants and their institutions are pseudonyms. Given that the female administrators in this study constitute a small but highly visible group at their respective institution, the author took particular care to conceal details that might reveal their identity. 4. In accordance with apartheid polices, South African universities were created along ethnic and linguistic lines. There were universities for Afrikaans-speaking White South Africans, English-speaking Whites, and separate universities Africans, Coloreds, and Indians. For a detailed discussion of the organization of South African universities see (Muller 1991; Mabokela 2000). 5. See Mabokela and King (2001) for a detailed discussion of recent transformation efforts of South African universities and technikons. References Central Statistic Service (1998). Men and Women in South Africa. Pretoria: Central Statistic Service. Cose, E. (1993). The Rage of a Privileged Class. New York: Harper Perennial. Council on Higher Education Task Team Report (2000). Towards a New Higher Education Landscape: Meeting the Equity, Quality and Social Development Imperatives of South Africa in the 21st Century. Shape and Size of Higher Education Task Team, Council on Higher Education. ( HYPERLINK "http://education.pwv.gov.za/DoE_Sites/Higher_Education/CHE/CHE_Report30June2000.htm" http://education.pwv.gov.za/DoE_Sites/Higher_Education/CHE/CHE_Report30June2000.htm). Cox, T.H. (1994). Cultural Diversity in Organizations: Theory, Research, and Practice. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler Publishers. Gwala, N. (1988). `State control, student politics and the crisis in black universities', in Cobbett, W. and Cohen, R. (eds.), Popular Struggles in South Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press. Kallaway, P. (ed.) (1984). Apartheid Education: The Education of Black South Africans. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. Kanter, R.M. (1977). 'Some effects of proportions on group life: Skewed sex ratios and responses to token women', American Journal of Sociology 82(5), 965-990. Keto, T.C. (1990). 'Pre-industrial education policies and practices in South Africa', in Nkomo, M. (ed.), Pedagogy of Domination: Toward a Democratic Education in South Africa. Trenton: African World Press, pp. 19-42. Mabokela, R.O. and King, K.L (eds.) (2001). Apartheid No More: Case Studies of Southern African Universities in the Process of Transformation. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing. Mabokela, R.O. (2000). Voices of Conflict: Desegregating South African Universities. New York: Routledge Falmer Press. Muller, J. (1991). `South Africa', in Altbach, PG. (ed.), International Higher Education: An Encyclopedia, 1. New York: Garland, pp. 411-423. National Commission of Higher Education Report: A Framework for Transformation (1996). Pretoria: National Commission of Higher Education. Subotzky, G. (1997). Final Research Report: The Enhancement of Graduate Programmes and Research Capacity at the Historically Black Universities. Bellville: Education Policy Unit, University of Western Cape. Twombly, S.B. (2000). `Women academic leaders in a Latin American University: reconciling paradoxes of professional lives', in Glazer-Raymo, J., Townsend, B.K. and RopersHuilman, B. (eds.), Women in Higher Education: A Feminist Perspective. Boston: Pearson Custom Publishing, pp. 453-471. k ) : ? C    2 L ,0K᫣ᒳzrjh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh 5@\aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh &k W 01 $]^a$ $]a$$l]^a$$@]@a$^d^0y Y6`,z;e^1[C b ?!j!!!"")#{##$b$$¹±ککږ걩h @ aJh 5@\aJh @aJh @aJh @H*aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh @aJ;j!k!h%i%?)@)A)g/Y4Z4<<====A$]a$ Hd]^H$H]^`Ha$$H]`Ha$$]a$$]^a$ $H]Ha$$H]Ha$$$H%i%%%E&&&-'' (J(((/)?)A)))*+M+++8,,,!-p--.V.....g//?00)1t112\22B333&4Z4455556`6668778\88@999غh @ aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJC9s:: ;Y;;<<<2=~====>R>>8??@h@@AKAAAA>BBiCCDDcDDESEEEF^FFFEGGGH$H%H&H'HrHH ITIxIʿسسh 6@]aJh 6@H*]aJ h >*aJh @aJh @aJh h 5@\aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ7AADDFFHH&H'HxI\O]OQQ=V>V\X]XXZZ $ ]a$ $]`a$$]a$d $H]^Ha$$]a$xIII JUJJJJJmK}KKK!LmLLLLYMcMMMNN3NNNNNNNO]OO P$PBPPP'QyQQQRaRR﮹ߦ߈}瞦u爦h @aJh 6@]aJh 6@]aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh 6@]aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh 6]aJ-RRR7SASS T2T8TVT\TjTTU@UOUfUlUU/V=VVVWW)WsWWX[X\X]XXXXXYYZNZZZZ[\\׭םꕸϝuh 6@]aJh h 5@\aJ h aJh @ aJ h @aJh @aJ h 6@]aJh @aJ h aJ h 6]aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJ h aJ-ZZ]_"b#bdeefffik o o+oCsuu@ ]@$a$$]a$$ ] a$$l]^a$ $ ] a$ $]a$^\\\]g]]]"^n^^^L__*`u``Daaab#bpbbSccdJddd(eeeffff6ggghZhhhhiTiii,jvjk5k9kkk2l}llmgmmEn貪زвȲh h 6@]aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh @ aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @ aJ =Ennn o o+owoop_ppp;qq"rlrrsCst_ttt1uuuuAvvvv/wwwwxxxFyy#zz {]{{{|^|||1}5}~}}~^~w~~ YAӀ ocԾ̶h @aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh @aJh h @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJEuvv{w~-` $]a$$l]^a$$]a$^$]^a$d^ $H]Ha$$]^a$$]a$$@]@a$cdeO_?܆(z-qˉU+qR5:Ȏ UR8͑?a+y͕jU޾άޤ֬h @ aJ h aJh h @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @H*aJ@`aD'()@wu{m$ ] a$ $h]ha$@ $h]ha$$]a$] $H]^Ha$$l]^a$$]a$]U;ʘDޙuŚ')@f"jNJޞxş[СfGw VkYرছ h aJh 6@]aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh h @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ:=ީ'r\u{FVe¯mɰ"I gų ;W迷vk`h 6@]aJh 6@]aJh 5@\aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh 5@\aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ$ W!"hi۷ܷ|}׸ظYZ h]h ]  $ ] a$ d] $ ] a$fgȵɵʵ"4y}$G[hv۷3Nl|Ķėđ֑vnvc֑[vS֑h @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh 0J@aJ)jh >*@B*UaJphh >*@B*aJph#jh >*@B*UaJphh @aJh 56@\]aJh 6@]aJh 6]aJ 0 %Ucgdl1Sʼ'/brѰ٧ɗh h @aJh @aJh 6]aJh @aJh @aJh 6]aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJ h aJh 6@]aJh 6@]aJ op$ ] a$ d] ,1h/ =!"#$% DyK yK http://education.pwv.gov.za/DoE_Sites/Higher_Education/CHE/CHE_Report30June2000.htm@@@ NormalCJ_HaJmH sH tH X@X Heading 1$$@h@&]@^ha$5@\aJV@V Heading 2$Hd@&]^H >*@aJP@P Heading 3$$@&]a$5@\aJH@H Heading 4$@&^ >*@aJJ@J Heading 5$$@&a$ >*@aJ@@@ Heading 6$@& >*@aJH@H Heading 7$H@&^H >*@aJL@L Heading 8$D@&^ >*@aJB @B Heading 9 $@&5@\aJDA@D Default Paragraph FontVi@V  Table Normal :V 44 la (k@(No List RT@R Block Texth ]^h5@\aJ6U@6 Hyperlink >*B*phkW0 1 j0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0|H0$9xIR\EncU_bdeghjkmoprsAZu``cfilnqtafɭX8@0(  B S  ?z|#{c|,}n=*urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags PlaceType=*urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags PlaceName9*urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttagsplace d+Dkuv}~   %%g'o'++e,m,//)31377J8R8Y8a8u8y888AABBwC|CDD\EbEEEFFdFmFGGJJEMNMMMTTUUPWUW ZZHZMZ]]gfqfKjRjmmqqzss^vevlvuvww}}~ho{gq f"%'*iqίӯܯ}ذݰZbmvw}pw"_e ?!?![P[P^^fop[a @m@UnknownGz Times New Roman5Symbol3& z Arial"1h^&^&y\Iy\I!24662HX ?[a2h"Donkeys of the University": Organizational culture and its impact on South African women administratorsAllisonuwcOh+'0 (4@P \h   l"Donkeys of the University": Organizational culture and its impact on South African women administratorsAllisonNormaluwc2Microsoft Office Word@F#@L@Ly՜.+,D՜.+,T hp  5 uwcI\6' i"Donkeys of the University": Organizational culture and its impact on South African women administrators Title( 8@ _PID_HLINKSAwThttp://education.pwv.gov.za/DoE_Sites/Higher_Education/CHE/CHE_Report30June2000.htmD   !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuwxyz{|}Root Entry F$Data v1Table~QWordDocument.SummaryInformation(DocumentSummaryInformation8CompObjq  FMicrosoft Office Word Document MSWordDocWord.Document.89q
Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/modules/cshe/templates/page/download_page_tpl.php on line 23

Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/modules/cshe/templates/page/download_page_tpl.php on line 24

Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/modules/cshe/templates/page/download_page_tpl.php on line 25

Warning: Cannot modify header information - headers already sent by (output started at /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/classes/core/engine_class_inc.php:802) in /srv/www/htdocs/cshe/modules/cshe/templates/page/download_page_tpl.php on line 26
ࡱ> ÿ%` bjbjٕ . lB D%  $hC       g$ 0%QQQ > , $  %  $   "Donkeys of the University": Organizational culture and its impact on South African women administrators Reitumetse Obakeng Mabokela (Dept of Educational Administration, Michigan State University) Abstract This article examines workplace experiences of six senior women administrators in South African institutions of higher education. Given that women have historically been under-represented and continue to be under-represented in the higher education sector, it is important to gain insights into their experiences and to inform the process of creating institutional environments that are supportive of their professional endeavors. Introduction "Donkeys of the University" is a metaphor that one senior administrator used to describe her condition as the first woman to occupy a high ranking administrative position in the history of her university. In her assessment, women are expected to work hard like donkeys, but do not always receive the recognition and rewards befitting their efforts. As she explained, My position sounds glamorous but it is very, very hard work .... Not so long ago, we had a seminar with other (women) colleagues who occupy senior administrative positions similar to mine. I facilitated a small group activity where each group had to name itself ... Groups came up with interesting names but Donkeys of the University prevailed. The primary goal of this article is to examine workplace experiences of six senior women administrators in South African institutions of higher education. Given that women have historically been under-represented and continue to be under-represented in the higher education sector, it is important to gain insights into their experiences and to inform the process of creating institutional environments that are supportive of their professional endeavors. According to the 1996 report of the National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE), the distribution of women among faculty and administrators does not reflect the demographic profile of the larger society. Based on the 1996 population census, the total population of South Africa is 40 million, of which 75% are African, 7% Colored, 3% Indian/Asian, and 15% White.' Women comprise 52% of the total population while men constitute 48% (Central Statistic Service 1998). The system of higher education is polarized along racial lines, with more prestigious faculty and administrative positions occupied predominantly by White males. Blacks and women tend to be relegated to the lower ranks with a disproportionate number in service as opposed to academic and administrative positions. Gender inequities are pervasive in the allocation of key administrative positions. A study conducted by Mabokela (2000) demonstrates that in a thirteen-year period between 1983-1995, the proportion of women in senior administrative positions at one prestigious university increased very slightly from 14.55% in 1983 to 15.35 percent. At another university in the same region of the country the representation of women administrators was similarly dismal. The one woman administrator on the staff in 1983 represented 1.72% of the senior administrators, compared to 57 male colleagues. Thirteen years later in 1995, there were 5 women administrators representing 5.15% of the senior administrative staff, compared to 92 males 94.85% (Mabokela 2000). While the examples cited were obtained from two universities, the patterns of female under-representation noted are reflective of trends observed at other South African universities and technikons.2 South African institutions of higher education are still undergoing a process of massive transformation to carve a new identity as inclusive, equitable institutions. In June 2000, a task team from the Council on Higher Education released a report that outlined proposals for major reorganization of South Africa's 36 institutions of higher education. The report proposed structural changes and institutional mergers to promote to equity, quality, development, effectiveness, and efficiency (Council on Higher Education Report 2000). While there has been a concerted effort to redress vestiges of past racial discrimination and attain racial equity, the same enthusiasm has not been devoted to gender issues. The African National Congress-led government has set a good example by appointing a significant number of women to key government positions as ministers and deputy ministers. Beyond this visible government parade of women, other organizations such as postsecondary institutions seem to be moving lethargically towards meaningful inclusion of women in their ranks. A critical examination of the reflections of the South African women administrators raises a number of key questions: where do the experiences of South African women scholars and administrators fit within the global discourse of gender equity within the university? Are their experiences unique and particular to the political, social, and cultural context of South Africa? Are there common themes that transcend their gendered experience as women in the academy? Theoretical framework/literature review A review of the literature on women in higher education suggests that the marginalization of women scholars and administrators, with varying degrees of success and disparities, is a global phenomenon. For example, Brooks (1997) research on academic women in the United Kingdom and New Zealand reveals disturbing patters of exclusion for female students, faculty and administrators. Although patterns of representation of female students in the UK have shifted from complete exclusion at the turn of the 20th century, to the point where they represented 50% of the student population in the 1990s, female scholars and administrators continue to be marginalized. That is, the increase in the student population has not translated into a significant change in the representation of female faculty and administrators, even in departments where female students have been heavily recruited. Brooks (1997) notes that in 1991, female faculty comprised 4.7% of full professors compared to 95.3% of their male counterparts, 10.3% of senior lecturers and readers compared to 89.7% for male faculty, and 23.1% of lecturers compared to 76.9% for their male colleagues. Further, a disproportionately high percentage of women are employed as contract workers (non-tenure track) and occupy the lowest academic ranks, that is, lecturers, junior lecturers, or tutors (Brooks 1997). Similar patterns of inequity are prevalent in institutions of higher education in other countries including Canada (Acker and Feuerverger 1997), Norway and the Netherlands (Malik and Lie 2000). While the socio-cultural conditions and political particularities in these countries differ significantly from each other, the conditions of female academics are remarkably similar. Research conducted among Canadian women faculty demonstrates similar patterns and further highlights the institutionalization of inequitable practices (Acker and Feuerverger 1997). That is, the experiences of women faculty are not isolated accounts that affect only a small group, but a systematic process through which universities fail to address issues that impact a significant segment of their population. Acker's (1994) work reveals similarly disturbing themes of inequity in pay, fewer opportunity for promotion and tenure, imbalance in the workload, sexual harassment, and what Brooks 01997) identifies as "violence" in academic life. In the case of the United States where affirmative action policies have been in existence for more than two decades, there is continuing resistance and persistence of discriminatory practices that impede the ability of women faculty to participate at their optimal level. Women faculty regardless of their rank and institutional prestige, raise concerns about the need for supportive institutional cultures, equitable salary policies, appointment of women to administrative positions, appointment of women to tenure-stream positions, and implementation of women-friendly policies such as parental leave (Glazer 1997; Brooks 1997; Acker and Feuerverger 1997; Martin 2000).African women scholars and administrators fit within the global discourse of gender equity within the academy? Are their experiences unique and particular to the political, social, and cultural context of South Africa? Are there common themes that transcend their gendered experience as women in the academy? The study on which this article is based, is informed by an understanding of the global experiences of women scholars and administrators. As the preceding discussion indicates, there are common threads that transcend professional experiences of women scholars and administrator regardless of their social, political and cultural context. These women's experiences point to institutionalized practices of inequity rather than isolated cases of exclusion. These practices constitute what Cox (1994) would characterize as the organizational culture; that is, those norms, values, beliefs that strongly influence how "minority-status" groups are treated by their majority counterparts. Strong organizational cultures provide cues on how to behave and establish reinforcing expectations to influence organizational members. In these strong organizational cultures, minorities are required to conform to the values and norms of the majority culture with limited opportunities to assert their own beliefs. Because the majority establishes work norms, it establishes rules and regulations with which people of color and others who occupy "minoritystatus" are expected to comply. In the case of the women administrators in this study, they certainly represent a "minority status" group within the structure of their university. While women are not necessarily under-represented within the wider society or the broader university community - a disproportionate number occupy lower administrative, academic or service positions - they are grossly under-represented in senior ranks. Kanter's (1977) research on women employed in mostly White male organizations identifies three perceptual tendencies that impact how underrepresented individuals are perceived within organizations in which they are in the minority. The first perceptual tendency is that the women in her study, whom she refers to as "tokens", have higher visibility than majority workers do. As a result, "tokens" are subject to performance pressures to ensure that they maintain the normative cues of the organization. Polarization or exaggeration of differences is the second perceptual tendency. The presence of a person bearing a different set of characteristics makes members of a majority group more aware both of their commonalities with and their differences from the "token." There is a tendency to exaggerate the extent of these differences, especially because under-represented individuals are too few in numbers to prevent the application of familiar generalizations or stereotypes. Assimilation, the third perceptual tendency, reflects the stereotypical assumptions about "tokens" leading to status leveling and role entrapment. Kanter's three perceptual tendencies often create performance pressures where "tokens" become isolated and entrapped by the organization. Given that Kanter's study is based on White women, it offers important insights about the significance of gender in male-dominated institutions; however, it does not address race. In the context of South African higher education, the intersection of race and gender is pivotal to the understanding of how women across the four racial groups (African, Colored, Indian, White) navigate the complex nature of their common struggle against gender discrimination, but also negotiate their (sometimes) competing agendas for racial equality. Drawing from the experience of scholars and administrators of color in the United States, some (Curry 2000; Turner and Myers 2000; Gregory 1999; Lindsay 1994; Welch 1992) contend that race continues to occupy a pivotal position in academic environments that Turner and Myers (2000) characterize as a "chilly climate." One of the major problems is a phenomenon Kanter (1977) identifies as "tokenism", a problem that Maori scholars (Brooks 1997) identify as prevalent and problematic to their advancement as scholars. That is, due to the small representation of women in predominantly male organizations, they tend to be subjected to treatment that compromises the professional contributions they could make within their organizations. While the female scholars in the US academic context are not numerically under-represented at the lower academic ranks, they are underrepresented within the upper ranks of the university structure. For women of color, they are not only under-represented relative to their male counterparts, but are similarly under-represented among their female peers. That is, they occupy what Cox (1994) refers to as "minority status" and are thus subjected to the same ill treatment as Kanter's tokens. This "token" status presents a number of challenges for the women including scrutiny of their professional abilities, the need to constantly prove themselves and being pigeonholed into restricted roles. The preceding discussion captures the broader context within which to place and to understand the experience of South African women administrators. While the socio-political conditions of South Africa are different, the findings (discussed later in this article) reveal more threads of commonality. The discussion to which I turn explains the methods and procedures employed in this study. Methods and procedures Data collection The findings reported in this article are based on intensive open-ended interviews with six Black women in senior administrative positions. In the context of this study, senior administrator includes department chairperson, director of an academic or research unit, dean, registrar, or vice-Chancellor (equivalent to a university president in the US system). These administrators are employed at four diverse academic institutions including two historically Black universities, an historically White university and a technikon. Given the development of post-secondary institutions along racial and ethnic lines in South Africa (for a detailed discussion see Mabokela 2000; Subotzky 1997; Muller 1991; Keto 1990; Kallaway 1984), these institutions have particular characteristics that are informed by this legacy. Therefore, the professional experiences of these women are intricately related to and informed by the type of institution where they are employed, as well as by their status as Blacks and women in a social structure that is still plagued by racial and gender disparities. These data constitute a component of a larger research project in which I interviewed a total of twenty-six female scholars and administrators. This article focuses on six women who are somewhat unique in that they occupy some of the most senior ranking positions within their institutions. Their situation is even more remarkable because they are the first Black and/or woman in the history of their institutions to command this type of authority. It is thus important to understand the professional experiences of these scholar-administrators. Three factors were taken into consideration when selecting the four institutions included in this study. First, the institutions reflect the diversity that exists across different types of higher education institutions within South Africa. Second, their geographic location, that is, three of the institutions in this study are located in urban areas and the fourth is situated in a rural area. Third, the mix of institutions provides an opportunity to include women in a variety of administrative positions. The data were gathered through intensive open-ended interviews. These interviews varied in duration from 1.5 hours to 3 hours. The interviews aimed to capture each participant's personal experience as a senior administrator. Each interview was tape-recorded and later transcribed. The data were coded for emergent themes that are discussed in detail. As the discussion of these themes demonstrates each woman's account is unique, however there were common incidents that transcended all of their experiences. Participants3 The six senior administrators in this article represent a subset of the 26 women scholars I interviewed across a number of South African Universities in 1999. They represent a small but dynamic group of educational leaders in the changing landscape of South African higher education. The following is brief synopsis of the participants: Professor Patel is the most senior ranking woman administrator at City Technikon. She has been in her current leadership position for one-and-a half years. She was a faculty member and occupied a number of administrative positions at another university before assuming her current position. Dr Sithole, the activist-scholar, is the founder and director of a rural development research center at Rural University. She has extensive development experience acquired during her years in political exile. Professor Langa has been at her university since 1993. As the most senior ranking woman at her institution, she has been in her current administrative position for two years. She brings more than twenty-five years of experience acquired during her tenure at a number of universities in Europe. Ms. Mkhize is the director of Student affairs at Seashore University. At the time of this research, she had been in the director position for a year after serving as an acting director for a year. Dr Themba has been in her current position as the Dean of Academic Development at City Technikon for six months. She worked as faculty member in North America prior to joining City. Ms. Mosiane is the newly appointed director of the Employment Equity office at City Technikon, a position that was created as direct response to the government's passage of the Employment Equity Act and the Skills Development Act. Prior to joining City, she worked for more than ten years at another historically Black university. The six administrators in this study are employed at three universities and one technikon located along the East coast of South Africa. What is notable about these institutions is that they have all undergone (or are undergoing) massive transformation to create more inclusive institutional structures as required by the African National Congress-led government. This process of transformation has raised issues related to gender and racial equity that many of these institutions have historically not address. It is within this context of major and rapid changes that the administrators in this study have to operate. Seashore University is an historically White university, also referred to as an historically advantaged university, created in the early 1900s to serve English-speaking White South Africans (Muller 1991; Mabokela 2000b) 4 Since the early 1990s, the student enrollment patterns changed rapidly to the point where Blacks now comprise the majority of the student body. Coastline University was established in 1961 as an historically Black teaching university, with the primary responsibility of preparing graduates who would be ready to enter the workforce immediately after completion of their baccalaureate degrees. Rural University was founded in the 1970s as a homeland university. In its early years, senior faculty members and administrators were White males who were seconded from Afrikaans-language universities. Since its inception, the students were almost exclusively African. City Technikon was established in the 1960s to primarily provide post-secondary vocational training. Historically, there was little interaction between technikons and universities and virtually no academic transfers across these types of institutions. While the four institutions described above have different histories, there are two striking commonalities: first, the racial composition of their student body has significantly since the early 1990s, however, their administrative and faculty ranks have remained virtually unchanged. Second and most significantly, women continue to be grossly under-represented in the middle to upper echelons of these institutions. The discussion to which I turn explores in detail key themes that emerged from various conversations with the participants. Resistance to administrators authority Donkeys of the University is the dominant theme that pervades the experiences of the six participants in this study. As donkeys, these administrators are frequently charged with challenging responsibilities within their institutions, but do not receive the respect and recognition befitting their efforts. Instead, their experiences are characterized by resistance, which manifest in ways ranging from psychological pressure to undermining of the women's authority to the impact of societal norms and expectations. Psychological pressures of "tokenism" All the participants in this study represent a small but slowly increasing cadre of emergent leaders in the context of South African higher education. With few exceptions, they have been in their current positions as senior administrators for less than three years, a pattern that has also been noted at other South African institutions of higher education. While it is quite exciting for these women to be trailblazers, there are serious challenges that come with the position of being the first or the only. Kanter (1977) contends that women whom she identifies as "tokens" in predominantly male organizations, are placed under constant psychological pressure, scrutiny from colleagues, and isolation because of their small numbers. The administrators in this study echoed some of the concerns raised by Kanter. While they do not characterize themselves as "tokens", they acknowledge that their chronic under-representation places them in the spotlight, where they are always under scrutiny by their male colleagues in particular, but also by other women. It is impossible for these individuals to remain anonymous and have any privacy, when all of their actions are public. Dr. Langa at Rural University succinctly captures the daily pressures that surround her and other women colleagues who are under perpetual scrutiny: There are pressures, very serious psychological pressures to do well and to do better. I spend enormous number of hours in this office, in evenings and on weekends. I spend very long hours here. As much as I enjoy hard work, I know I cannot afford to fail and I know I share this with other women. There is also a problem of how things you say and do are interpreted. Very often you think to yourself, this wouldn't be said to a man, or that wouldn't be dumped on a man. You cannot be sure that something is not happening because you are a woman. (Dr. Langa, Rural University) The psychological pressures that Dr. Langa identifies in the preceding statement resonate with experiences shared by the many of the senior administrators in this study. However, Dr. Patel offers a different perspective on how she negotiates her position. While she acknowledges that some male counterparts have a problem with her being in a position of authority, she diffuses the potential pressure of scrutiny by being assertive, proactive and innovative. As she explains: Large numbers of men find it very difficult to deal with a woman who is very assertive. It's easy to sense that they do not want to take instructions from me. I am not popular. I don't have problem with the fact that I'm not popular. The pressure has not gotten to me. I don't believe that I'm under pressure because I'm doing my job. If there was a male in this position, he would have to do precisely what I am doing. Perhaps our style of operation would be different. (Dr. Patel, City Technikon) While the participants in this study do not view themselves as "tokens", they all recognize the "token status" they assume by being the only, or one of very few women in a senior administrative position on their campus. Women as adversaries The administrators in this study do not only experience resistance from their male colleagues, but from their female counterparts as well. As several of them reported, some women are more tolerant of male power and readily accept male authority. Yet, they constantly question and undermine rather than support women in positions of seniority. This is phenomenon one the administrators described as the "P.H.D. syndrome", that is, the "Pull Her Down" attitude. The following explanation of the "pull her down" attitude succinctly captures how it manifests. You know, we as women don't always support each other. That's a problem. If you are a successful woman, it's not like everybody will be supportive. There is a lot of that here. A male boss can tell you where to get off, but a female can't. My supervisor is having a tough time up there. She is a woman and our society is very patriarchal. You often hear people say "what's wrong with this auntie?" That's how they respond to her. They don't give her the respect and deference that a person in a very senior position at this institution deserves ... As a woman, you get these snide remarks but you just have to rise above that. When you do something good, don't expect good feedback and acknowledgement. That's the attitude. This lack of support from other women places the senior administrators in a tenuous position. On the one hand, they all expressed the need to mentor other women so as to establish a critical mass of women scholars and administrators, and to avoid isolation of the very few women in key positions. On the other, in order to survive and be successful in their current positions where they are under constant scrutiny, they have to create a cushion of support for themselves. This isolation can be further exacerbated by the interaction of race and gender. While women have a common struggle against gender discrimination, in South Africa's racialized history, there is a lurking reality of competing agendas for racial equality for women across the four racial groups (African, Colored, Indian, White). Intersection of race and gender The intersection of race and gender adds another layer of complexity to the perception of these administrators as individuals with authority. In the history of South African higher education, rewards, promotions and opportunities were allocated along racial lines, rather than based on one's accomplishments and achievements. In addition, in a society where women were viewed as "legal minors" who could not enter into any legal contracts without permission of male relatives, it is still challenging to see women as occupying positions higher than those held by their male counterparts. While archaic laws restricting women's participation in society have been repealed, there are lingering attitudes that still portray women as "minors" and thus incapable of leading and commanding authority. Dr. Sithole shared a number of incidents where her colleagues at the neighboring historically White university frequently attempted to undermine her because the research center that she founded and directs is located at historically Black university. There is another battle with the White universities in this (province). You know, they always think they are better and all good ideas belong to them. At first, these White universities did not want to participate. They were very stand-offish in the beginning. But they realized that they would lose some good opportunities. Plus, we (at Rural University) really do have extensive understanding of issues related to rural development. Our combined efforts could really help the people of this province. Despite these earlier episodes of resistance, I am getting more support from some of the White universities. It is evident from Dr. Sithole's statement that while institutions are struggling to create a more inclusive intellectual environment, there are still lingering elements of the "old" system that was grounded in racial and gender disparities. In the South African context, the race issue is further complicated by perceived differences in levels of oppression among Africans, Colored, and Indians/Asians. While all three groups experienced repression under the apartheid, some contend that Indians and Coloreds had slightly better opportunities than their African counterparts. Therefore, this lingering perception of privilege among the "disadvantaged groups" still manifests in the higher education sector. For example, City was historically designated for Indians. Since the mid-1990s, the student population at City has become increasingly African. In fact, at the time of this research in 1999, the student population was majority African. In contrast, the faculty and administrative staff are still more than 90% Indian or White. The appointment of Ms. Mosiane, an African woman, to a senior administrative position raised some rumblings among some of the traditional constituents at this institution. Resistance to her authority is three pronged: first, she is African at an Indian institution; second, she is a woman in a male-heavy administrative structure; and third, she occupies a position that requires her to enforce the newly establish equity requirement. This is how Ms. Mosiane explained the precarious position of African professionals at her institution: Africans don't stay long here. Sometimes we get so frustrated. Indians feel that this is their home. Often, Africans will come and go. There are times when we feel it's time to leave, but we won't be doing any good (at this institution) if we just leave. We have to bring about change. The Indians resist change. They can make life very miserable here ... There's always a factor that you are an outsider. The Zulus don't accept you, the Indians don't, the Whites don't. So you feel very isolated here. But, I don't believe in giving up. If I leave, it will be because I want to, or I have better opportunities elsewhere, not because I am bitter. (Ms. Mosiane, City Technikon) Coupled with issues of race and gender, is the concept of class. While the administrators in this study did not explicitly address class, they acknowledged their elite status relative to other women scholars. For example, as women with graduate level education, many with Ph.Ds or working towards them, and exposure to studies abroad, they have experiences that the majority of their counterparts do not have. They did not necessarily inherit their current "privileged" position from their family background, for example, some had to work for a number of years to secure enough funding to support their university studies; four had to work full-time to support their families and pursue their university studies as part-time students; others were forced into exile because of hostile political circumstances. Therefore, they earned their current privilege through academic and professional accomplishments. Proving one's worth At this period of massive transformation of South African higher education,5 the senior administrators in this study do not only interact with their peers at their respective institutions, but frequently have to interact with government officials. For example, the Equity Officer has to monitor and report the progress of her institution on equity issues to the Department of Labor to ensure compliance with the new equity guidelines provided by this department. Similarly, the Director of a research center that collaborates with the Ministry of Agriculture on some projects, has to maintain close links with a different set of colleagues outside the academic arena. These interactions introduce another set of dynamics with respect to the way the authority of the women administrators is received outside their sphere of operation. To illustrate the complexity of these relationships, Dr. Sithole shared her experiences with some of the "government bureaucrats" on the Center's board of directors. In her assessment many of government representatives on the board do not have a clear understanding of the project and yet have to make critical decisions about the future direction of the Center. For instance, a few days before our interview Dr. Sithole and the board members had a strategic planning retreat to plan the center's activities for the next few years. Although she prepared all the reports and working papers discussed at this meeting, she did not receive any credit for the fact that the ideas represented were all hers. As she explained: I have a problem with government members on the board of directors. In my analysis, they don't have a clear understanding of the mission and vision of this center. But you know men, they always think they know it all. Some of them have a problem with this woman who seems to know so much about the issue. They don't understand issues related to rural development and how to deal with these issues. I can tell some of them have a problem with the fact that there is this woman leading them, who knows what to do. Sometimes I feel some of them just want to throw their weight around to make me feel they are the boss. They can't accept the fact that there is something they don't know. That's part of the problem. It also has to do with the fact that I am a woman. If I were a man, they would not have some of these issues. (Dr. Sithole, Rural University) Impact of societal norms on institutional acculturation A number of the administrators reported that societal (cultural) norms and expectations often influenced the way in which their colleagues interacted with them and sometimes interfered with their ability to perform their work as professionals. Ms. Mzwanele explained that some of her colleagues, especially those who had some respectable social standing within the community, or those who knew her parents, sometimes treated her like a child rather than a professional woman. As she reflected: Sometimes you find that I am here working with people who are friends with my father. Instead of talking to me as a professional, they will go home to my father and say, "talk to your daughter. She is not behaving well. She is rude to me." So you find that people who have no business interfering with your work come to you and say, "Professor so-and-so says you are rude to him. You must be careful how you talk to him." Now I have to explain myself. With us women, we have to explain ourselves all the time. Otherwise our professional actions are misinterpreted. (Ms. Mzwanele, Rural University) Despite the fact that this administrator occupied a very senior position within the university, the social and cultural norms prescribed that she should defer to her male colleagues because she was younger and did not have the seniority bestowed them by their by their socio-cultural standing. These cultural expectations if unchallenged, would compromise her ability to perform duties that came with her role as the director of her department. The constant conflict between societal norms and values, and the professional expectations these participants had, compromised the process of acculturation that would be necessary for both the women administrators and their male colleagues. As noted by Cose (1993) the process of acculturation should be a two-way exchange, rather than immersion of the new entrants (women) into the existing organizational culture. Other administrators shared concerns about being treated as "wives" rather than competent administrators. In the socially constructed role of the wife, their male counterparts, even those in lower ranks, undermine their expertise and expect them to "serve them like their wives would at home." These social expectations manifest in the responsibilities that women administrators are assigned. For example, one administrator noted that in meetings (where she is often the only woman), they frequently expect her to take minutes, despite the fact that there is a (male) secretary whose role it is to do this. Or, her male subordinates frequently overstep her and go directly to her male counterparts if they have problems; even if their issues are directly related to her department. Sometimes her male colleagues will even go to the extent of asking her to organize refreshments for their meetings, a task that is clearly not part of her responsibility. Unfortunately, she does not always receive the support of her senior colleagues who "defer to their maleness, rather than professional protocol." Dr. Patel explained the impact of these socio-cultural expectations: Culture plays a major, major, role. This is a patriarchal society. Women should not be in these positions. I should be at home, not in a decisionmaking position. This mindset needs to change. There is this attitude that "a woman can't tell us what to do." They truly have a problem with the fact that I occupy a top-notch position here. What is evident from the experiences of the participants in this study is that gender issues are still peripheral to the transformation process that many South African universities are undergoing. While many institutions are now required by recently passed legislation to address racial and gender disparities, emphasis is still placed on race issues. As one administrator succinctly conveyed the current attitude, "our institutions will be Black before they are gender sensitive." Concluding reflections Accounts of the six administrators as donkeys of their universities highlight the way in which institutional cultures continue to marginalize women administrators and scholars. In essence, there continues to be resistance to the women's authority, which manifest in a variety of ways ranging from psychological pressures to the need to prove their worth and expertise, to tensions created by the intersection of race and gender. Given the experiences that the senior administrators in this study shared, how do South African institutions of higher education create institutional cultures that support the professional lives of women administrators and not treat them like "donkeys of the university?" The participants identified a number of strategies at the individual level to create more supportive environments for other women. First, they pledged their commitment to support and mentor other women, especially those in lower academic and administrative positions. As revealed by the data most of those participants did not always receive mentorship and support from within their institutions, they all identified other colleagues, especially outside their university structures, who had been instrumental in their success as administrators. Second, all the participants emphasized the need for women candidates not only to be qualified, but also to "market themselves." They explained the women are frequently socialized to diminish their accomplishments and to minimize achievements, as a "way of being feminine", often at the expense of getting positions for which they are well qualified. Third, the administrators emphatically did not perceive themselves as "tokens", appointed only to appease the current call for gender equity. Although their position of being the only or one of very few women at the top does have pressures, they are empowered enough to effect some changes within their units or departments. Finally, these administrators saw the need to create a network of support with other women administrators within and beyond their institutions to avoid loneliness and isolation. While the women pointed to individual strategies to address gender inequities, there need to be more institutional efforts that are not dependent on the efforts of particular individuals. It is imperative for South African universities and technikons to establish a systematic agenda to attain gender equity. The data in this study suggest the need for systematic institutional or government based responses to address gender disparities. These measures may include establishment of administrative structures such as equity offices to monitor progress towards equitable inclusion and representation of women scholars and administrators. While some universities and technikons have recently established such offices, they do not yet operate as an integral part of the transformation machinery. Other institutional interventions could include annual evaluation of goals and targets to increase the representation of women scholar s and administrators across various levels of the university and a systematic process of enforcing equity measures that already exist. At the governmental level, a number of new laws have been passed. However, their enforcement continues to be a challenge across many institutions of higher education. There needs to be an effective process of sanctioning those who fail to comply with equity measures. This study highlights a few of the issues confronting women administrators and scholars in South African institutions of higher education. There are a number of areas that require further inquiry. First, a systematic examination of the role or intersection of social class on the professional experiences of women scholars. Second, an examination of policies and practices that address strategies to attain gender equity. Third, an investigation of how current transformation policies address gender issues and seek to create environments that are supportive to women scholars and administrators. Finally, an examination of institutional strategies implemented to create more inclusive organizational cultures. Notes 1. The racial classification terms used in this paper carry particular historical undertones specific to the South African context. The author acknowledges that these terms are contentious particularly as South Africa attempts to shed its legacy of apartheid, and carve a new identity as a democratic country. As remnants of the apartheid past are still pervasive in institutions of higher education, these terms are used to facilitate a concise discussion. In the context of this paper African refers to people of indigenous ancestry. Colored refers to South Africans of mixed heritage, usually Dutch, African, Malay and Khoisan heritage. Indian refers to people of Indian descent, and White refers to South Africans of European descent. The term Black is used to refer collectively to Africans, Coloreds, and Indians. 2. Technikons are post-secondary education institutions that structurally and functionally fall between U.S. community colleges and traditional four-year colleges. They were established as vocational education centers to provide practical technical training. They evolved over time to become technical colleges, and since 1995 they have been certified to grant Bachelor (B Tech), Masters (M Tech), and Doctoral (D Tech) Degrees in Technology. 3. The names of all the participants and their institutions are pseudonyms. Given that the female administrators in this study constitute a small but highly visible group at their respective institution, the author took particular care to conceal details that might reveal their identity. 4. In accordance with apartheid polices, South African universities were created along ethnic and linguistic lines. There were universities for Afrikaans-speaking White South Africans, English-speaking Whites, and separate universities Africans, Coloreds, and Indians. For a detailed discussion of the organization of South African universities see (Muller 1991; Mabokela 2000). 5. See Mabokela and King (2001) for a detailed discussion of recent transformation efforts of South African universities and technikons. References Central Statistic Service (1998). Men and Women in South Africa. Pretoria: Central Statistic Service. Cose, E. (1993). The Rage of a Privileged Class. New York: Harper Perennial. Council on Higher Education Task Team Report (2000). Towards a New Higher Education Landscape: Meeting the Equity, Quality and Social Development Imperatives of South Africa in the 21st Century. Shape and Size of Higher Education Task Team, Council on Higher Education. ( HYPERLINK "http://education.pwv.gov.za/DoE_Sites/Higher_Education/CHE/CHE_Report30June2000.htm" http://education.pwv.gov.za/DoE_Sites/Higher_Education/CHE/CHE_Report30June2000.htm). Cox, T.H. (1994). Cultural Diversity in Organizations: Theory, Research, and Practice. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler Publishers. Gwala, N. (1988). `State control, student politics and the crisis in black universities', in Cobbett, W. and Cohen, R. (eds.), Popular Struggles in South Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press. Kallaway, P. (ed.) (1984). Apartheid Education: The Education of Black South Africans. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. Kanter, R.M. (1977). 'Some effects of proportions on group life: Skewed sex ratios and responses to token women', American Journal of Sociology 82(5), 965-990. Keto, T.C. (1990). 'Pre-industrial education policies and practices in South Africa', in Nkomo, M. (ed.), Pedagogy of Domination: Toward a Democratic Education in South Africa. Trenton: African World Press, pp. 19-42. Mabokela, R.O. and King, K.L (eds.) (2001). Apartheid No More: Case Studies of Southern African Universities in the Process of Transformation. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing. Mabokela, R.O. (2000). Voices of Conflict: Desegregating South African Universities. New York: Routledge Falmer Press. Muller, J. (1991). `South Africa', in Altbach, PG. (ed.), International Higher Education: An Encyclopedia, 1. New York: Garland, pp. 411-423. National Commission of Higher Education Report: A Framework for Transformation (1996). Pretoria: National Commission of Higher Education. Subotzky, G. (1997). Final Research Report: The Enhancement of Graduate Programmes and Research Capacity at the Historically Black Universities. Bellville: Education Policy Unit, University of Western Cape. Twombly, S.B. (2000). `Women academic leaders in a Latin American University: reconciling paradoxes of professional lives', in Glazer-Raymo, J., Townsend, B.K. and RopersHuilman, B. (eds.), Women in Higher Education: A Feminist Perspective. Boston: Pearson Custom Publishing, pp. 453-471. k ) : ? C    2 L ,0K᫣ᒳzrjh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh 5@\aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh &k W 01 $]^a$ $]a$$l]^a$$@]@a$^d^0y Y6`,z;e^1[C b ?!j!!!"")#{##$b$$¹±ککږ걩h @ aJh 5@\aJh @aJh @aJh @H*aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh @aJ;j!k!h%i%?)@)A)g/Y4Z4<<====A$]a$ Hd]^H$H]^`Ha$$H]`Ha$$]a$$]^a$ $H]Ha$$H]Ha$$$H%i%%%E&&&-'' (J(((/)?)A)))*+M+++8,,,!-p--.V.....g//?00)1t112\22B333&4Z4455556`6668778\88@999غh @ aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJC9s:: ;Y;;<<<2=~====>R>>8??@h@@AKAAAA>BBiCCDDcDDESEEEF^FFFEGGGH$H%H&H'HrHH ITIxIʿسسh 6@]aJh 6@H*]aJ h >*aJh @aJh @aJh h 5@\aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ7AADDFFHH&H'HxI\O]OQQ=V>V\X]XXZZ $ ]a$ $]`a$$]a$d $H]^Ha$$]a$xIII JUJJJJJmK}KKK!LmLLLLYMcMMMNN3NNNNNNNO]OO P$PBPPP'QyQQQRaRR﮹ߦ߈}瞦u爦h @aJh 6@]aJh 6@]aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh 6@]aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh 6]aJ-RRR7SASS T2T8TVT\TjTTU@UOUfUlUU/V=VVVWW)WsWWX[X\X]XXXXXYYZNZZZZ[\\׭םꕸϝuh 6@]aJh h 5@\aJ h aJh @ aJ h @aJh @aJ h 6@]aJh @aJ h aJ h 6]aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJ h aJ-ZZ]_"b#bdeefffik o o+oCsuu@ ]@$a$$]a$$ ] a$$l]^a$ $ ] a$ $]a$^\\\]g]]]"^n^^^L__*`u``Daaab#bpbbSccdJddd(eeeffff6ggghZhhhhiTiii,jvjk5k9kkk2l}llmgmmEn貪زвȲh h 6@]aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh @ aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @ aJ =Ennn o o+owoop_ppp;qq"rlrrsCst_ttt1uuuuAvvvv/wwwwxxxFyy#zz {]{{{|^|||1}5}~}}~^~w~~ YAӀ ocԾ̶h @aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh @aJh h @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJEuvv{w~-` $]a$$l]^a$$]a$^$]^a$d^ $H]Ha$$]^a$$]a$$@]@a$cdeO_?܆(z-qˉU+qR5:Ȏ UR8͑?a+y͕jU޾άޤ֬h @ aJ h aJh h @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @H*aJ@`aD'()@wu{m$ ] a$ $h]ha$@ $h]ha$$]a$] $H]^Ha$$l]^a$$]a$]U;ʘDޙuŚ')@f"jNJޞxş[СfGw VkYرছ h aJh 6@]aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh h @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ:=ީ'r\u{FVe¯mɰ"I gų ;W迷vk`h 6@]aJh 6@]aJh 5@\aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh 5@\aJh @aJ h aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJh @aJ$ W!"hi۷ܷ|}׸ظYZ h]h ]  $ ] a$ d] $ ] a$fgȵɵʵ"4y}$G[hv۷3Nl|Ķėđ֑vnvc֑[vS֑h @aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh 6@]aJh @aJh @aJ h aJh 0J@aJ)jh >*@B*UaJphh >*@B*aJph#jh >*@B*UaJphh @aJh 56@\]aJh 6@]aJh 6]aJ 0 %Ucgdl1Sʼ'/brѰ٧ɗh h @aJh @aJh 6]aJh @aJh @aJh 6]aJh @aJh @aJh 6@]aJ h aJh 6@]aJh 6@]aJ op$ ] a$ d] ,1h/ =!"#$% DyK yK http://education.pwv.gov.za/DoE_Sites/Higher_Education/CHE/CHE_Report30June2000.htm@@@ NormalCJ_HaJmH sH tH X@X Heading 1$$@h@&]@^ha$5@\aJV@V Heading 2$Hd@&]^H >*@aJP@P Heading 3$$@&]a$5@\aJH@H Heading 4$@&^ >*@aJJ@J Heading 5$$@&a$ >*@aJ@@@ Heading 6$@& >*@aJH@H Heading 7$H@&^H >*@aJL@L Heading 8$D@&^ >*@aJB @B Heading 9 $@&5@\aJDA@D Default Paragraph FontVi@V  Table Normal :V 44 la (k@(No List RT@R Block Texth ]^h5@\aJ6U@6 Hyperlink >*B*phkW0 1 j0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0H0|H0$9xIR\EncU_bdeghjkmoprsAZu``cfilnqtafɭX8@0(  B S  ?z|#{c|,}n=*urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags PlaceType=*urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags PlaceName9*urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttagsplace d+Dkuv}~   %%g'o'++e,m,//)31377J8R8Y8a8u8y888AABBwC|CDD\EbEEEFFdFmFGGJJEMNMMMTTUUPWUW ZZHZMZ]]gfqfKjRjmmqqzss^vevlvuvww}}~ho{gq f"%'*iqίӯܯ}ذݰZbmvw}pw"_e ?!?![P[P^^fop[a @m@UnknownGz Times New Roman5Symbol3& z Arial"1h^&^&y\Iy\I!24662HX ?[a2h"Donkeys of the University": Organizational culture and its impact on South African women administratorsAllisonuwcOh+'0 (4@P \h   l"Donkeys of the University": Organizational culture and its impact on South African women administratorsAllisonNormaluwc2Microsoft Office Word@F#@L@Ly՜.+,D՜.+,T hp  5 uwcI\6' i"Donkeys of the University": Organizational culture and its impact on South African women administrators Title( 8@ _PID_HLINKSAwThttp://education.pwv.gov.za/DoE_Sites/Higher_Education/CHE/CHE_Report30June2000.htmD   !"#$%&'()*+,-./0123456789:;<=>?@ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ[\]^_`abcdefghijklmnopqrstuwxyz{|}Root Entry F$Data v1Table~QWordDocument.SummaryInformation(DocumentSummaryInformation8CompObjq  FMicrosoft Office Word Document MSWordDocWord.Document.89q
Warning: Unknown(): open(/tmp/sess_f3448015c1c3a0f6938bb21a608021d2, O_RDWR) failed: Read-only file system (30) in Unknown on line 0

Warning: Unknown(): Failed to write session data (files). Please verify that the current setting of session.save_path is correct (/tmp) in Unknown on line 0